Skip to main content

Full text of "The life of Edward Montagu, first Earl of Sandwich, 1625-1672"

See other formats


<r(L> Jin-)( ( tart cf C) a 

, xry 

/ir- Jeler- ~eLy 




(1625 1672) 















THOUGH the first Earl of Sandwich played a prominent 
part during our great constitutional struggles, no 
biography of him has hitherto appeared. Campbell, 
Charnock, and our earlier naval historians, treated him 
fairly as a seaman, Southey wrote of him with sym- 
pathy ; but later writers have done him scant justice. 
Some sixty years ago, Thomas Carlyle, in his search 
for Cromwell's letters, looked over the papers at 
Hinchingbrooke. Shortly afterwards he wrote of 
Mountagu : " Such a man ought to have had a written 
Biography, and universal legible Memorial, long ago ; 
if the sacervates were not in so confused a state among 
us in these times ! . . ." And Carlyle paused. 

It has been left to the present Earl of Sandwich, the 
eighth of his line, to initiate the work. The idea of a 
biography of his ancestor had long occurred to him, 
and fitful efforts were made to examine and arrange 
the papers, but the pressure of a busy life prevented 
the fulfilment of the task. Yet Lord Sandwich only 
needed an assurance that the work was really worth 
doing, and within a few months the arrangements were 
made. Once begun, the work proceeded steadily, if 
slowly, and the completion of the book is due to his 



interest. For only through Lord Sandwich's gener- 
osity in giving the fullest access to the papers, his 
hospitality during the various stages of the research, 
and his assistance in bearing the greater proportion of 
the cost, has the work been made possible. Finally, 
he decided not to subsidize the actual publication of 
the book, but to allow it to take the chance of accept- 
ance or rejection at the hands of a publisher. 

The book as it stands may prove the first instalment 
of a family history, for papers equally valuable and 
equally interesting are in Lord Sandwich's possession, 
and relate to more recent ancestors. The importance 
of the first Earl's papers and the range of his achieve- 
ments demanded something fuller than a treatment 
confined to family affairs. As the work progressed, it 
grew in interest and in scope. The Earl was not only 
soldier and sailor, but statesman and diplomatist; 
Lady Sandwich was a woman who might well be 
added to the gallery of seventeenth-century ladies. 
The naval papers, the ambassadorial papers, were 
seen to be of importance. The plan of a calendar 
preceded by a biographical notice was gradually 
abandoned ; the earlier structure was pulled down and 
rebuilt in its present form. A complete calendar or 
transcript of the manuscripts has, however, been made, 
though its contents have been woven into this bio- 
graphy; some, but not all the extracts, will readily be 
recognized by a change of setting. The manuscripts 
have been paged, compared with the Carte Manuscripts 
originally part of the collection and copious refer- 
ences are given. The public can verify the authority ; 


the family, and those who have access to the papers, 
can turn up a reference without any trouble. The 
present Lord Sandwich has added a genealogy to the 
appendices in the first volume. 1 

There is one charge in particular that may be brought 
against the book, and that is the charge of undue 
length; this would extend especially to the chapters 
on the navy and those on the Spanish and Portuguese 
Embassy. On these two subjects Sandwich wrote 
fully. Of the importance of his naval papers there 
can be no question. Of the embassy he wrote a daily 
record, which fills seven volumes. So far the fullest 
account of his work appears in Mignet; from the 
English point of view it has never been touched ; it is 
a landmark in our economic history, and the diary of 
a seventeenth-century Ambassador seemed too im- 
portant for excessive condensation. In addition the 
Public Record Office contains a number of letters on 
the subject of immense value, and these are uncalen- 
dared, and practically untouched. To have neglected 
them would have been Impossible. 

On one other point some explanation is needed that 
is, in the matter of the extracts from Pepys. In the 
notices of Sandwich which have already appeared, 
such as Campbell's and Southey's, the diarist was 
unknown or neglected. When Mr. H. B. Wheatley, 
to whom every lover of Pepys is deeply indebted, 
edited the diary, he provided it as material. Even 
now this wonderful book yields much to the careful 

1 The spelling of the name which I have adopted is that of Mountagu's 
signature, the form used by the family until the eighteenth century. The 
correct form of the name is, first Montaigu and later Montagu. F. R. H. 


reader, for Pepys has in his wardrobe many coats, 
and few of them are threadbare. 

The assurance of the importance of the papers was 
made to Lord Sandwich by Sir Sidney Lee, and he, as 
he has dubbed himself, is the godfather of the book. 
He stayed at Hinchingbrooke, made a cursory survey 
of the manuscripts, and wrote to Oxford, with the 
result that the present writer was entrusted with the 

For the recommendation to Lord Sandwich I have 
to thank the Regius Professor of History, Mr. C. H. 
Firth. He must be tired of appearing in prefaces to 
seventeenth-century works; he has hurled many a 
bottle at the side of ships, before they slid down the 
ways; for this vessel he has made no ceremonial 
launch, but rather kept an eye upon her building. He 
has read the greater part of the book, and it owes 
much to his careful guidance. 

Upon the naval chapters my friend, Mr. Julian 
Corbett, has given most valuable aid and criticism. 
To his help and judgment I am deeply indebted ; and 
if any success attends the description of Mountagu's 
life at sea, it is largely due to him. 

In the chapters upon Spain and Portugal, the 
greatest help was derived from Mr. H. C. Fanshawe's 
edition of Lady Fanshaw's Memoirs. A written dis- 
cussion upon certain points led Mr. Fanshawe to prove 
himself a most timely friend ; he did everything to 
facilitate the work, he placed his elaborate collection 
of transcripts from various sources entirely at my 
disposal, and talked over several vexed questions. 



The tale of thanks, long as it is, must be briefly com- 
pleted. The Marquess of Bath was good enough to 
send up three of his volumes of manuscripts for my 
inspection, and thus helped me to verify certain doubt- 
ful matters. The Marquess of Lansdowne allowed me 
to inspect the papers at Lansdowne House. Lady 
Ernestine Edgcumbe copied the whole of the letters 
from Lord Mount Edgcumbe's manuscripts, which 
relate to Lord Sandwich's death. The illustrations 
have been selected from the portraits at Hinching- 
brooke, and Mr. George Montagu spent many hours in 
discussing their reproduction, and the Director of the 
National Portrait Gallery helped me to correct certain 
ascriptions. The librarian of the Admiralty, Mr. W. G. 
Perrin, gave every facility for the examination of the 
papers in his charge. Messrs. Bowes and Bowes, of 
Cambridge, kindly inspected the University registers 
and gave some needed information ; and various ques- 
tions were courteously answered by Mr. H. B. Wheat- 
ley ; Mr. A. B. Gaselee, the librarian of the Pepysian 
Library; Mr. J. Horace Round; Mr. G. J. Turner; 
Mr. Oswald Barron; Mr. J. R. Tanner; the Rev. 
W. W. Baillie, Rector of Barnwell ; the Rev. G. A. 
Weekes, Tutor of Sidney Sussex College; and Mr. 
J. H. Howgate, Headmaster of Huntingdon Grammar- 
School. I am much indebted also to my friend Mr. 
A. C. Bray, of Jesus College, Cambridge, who 
appears in the footnotes as A. C. B. ; and to Miss Enid 
Routh, whose work is indicated in its proper place. 
My wife discussed the economic details in the treaty 
of Madrid ; Miss N. Lewis helped me in the arduous 


work of transcription ; and Miss Bridghid Stafford, of 
Trinity College, Dublin, relieved me of some of the 
research done upon Tangier. 

My tutor, Mr. H. A. L. Fisher, has read some part of 
the work, and to him, and to the Chichele Professor, 
Mr. C. W. C. Oman, I owe my training in history, and 
the interest in the subject which their tutorship has 
given me. The proofs have been most carefully 
looked over by Mr. L. H. Pond, of Trinity College, 
Cambridge. In addition, my publisher, Mr. Murray, 
has read every word of the book, has made some 
most helpful suggestions, and proffered continual 
encouragement during the last few months. If any 
acknowledgments have been omitted, it is not from 
lack of gratitude; but all acknowledgments would 
be inadequate if I did not mention Mr. W. H. B. 
Somerset, of the Bodleian, or recognize the courtesy 
and assistance of the various officials at the British 
Museum, and at that indispensable institution, the 

London Library. 


February 5, 1912. 













VI. FAMILY LIFE (1661-1665) - - 224 


I. THE OPENING - - - 262 




A. GENEALOGY - - 346 

B. THE BATTLE ORDER (jUNE 3, 1665) - - 348 






EDWARD MOUNTAGU (MT. 17) - Frontispiece 

This portrait is dated 1643, and is one of the earlier portraits 
painted by Lely, since he only came to England in 1641. 


to ace p. 4 

A portrait by Robert Walker, the painter of many of the 
Commonwealth generals. 


CUMBERLAND - - to face p. 38 

By Anthony Van Dyck. 


This portrait was attributed to Lely. Miss Boyle, in her 
Hinchingbrooke catalogue, says "after Lely." It is more 
probably by Jacob Huysmans or Houseman. 

OLIVER CROMWELL - to face p. 102 

By Robert Walker. 


By Robert Walker. This is the portrait mentioned in the 
Dictionary of National Biography. 

CHARLES II. - to face p. 186 

By Sir Peter Lely. Presented by Charles to the first Earl of 




By Pierre Mignard. The legend in the Hinchingbrooke cata- 
logue states that this is the Duchess of Orleans, but the costume 
is temp. Charles I. The identity of the portrait has given rise to 
some discussion. 


X 662 to face p. 210 

By Dirk Stoep. A complete set of these engravings, illustrating 
each stage of the marriage festivities, is in the British Museum. 
This is taken from a copy at Hinchingbrooke. 

WELL - - to face p. 228 
By Robert Walker. The portrait has been reproduced in 
Social England. It is one of the Walkers to which allusion is 
made on p. 229 of this volume. 

JEMIMA, COUNTESS OF SANDWICH - - to face p. 230 

By Sir Peter Lely. 


An engraving made by Samuel and Nathaniel Buck in 1730. 
This shows the house as it was at the death of the first Earl. 
The fourth Earl made some additions, but in 1830 the house was 
partially destroyed by fire. When it was reconstructed, the 
circular bay-window was removed to the south front. The present 
Lord Sandwich constructed a tower, opened out the west wing, 
enlarged and converted several rooms, and renovated and re- 
stored the old nunneries. 




" There be of them, that have left a name behind them, that their praises 
might be reported. And some there be which have no memorial." 
Ecclus. xliv. 8, 9. 

HALF a mile outside the old town of Huntingdon, upon 
the western side, stands Hinchingbrooke, the seat of 
the Earls of Sandwich. 1 A gentle slope rises from the 
valley of the Ouse, and spreads out, fanwise, for many 
acres, into meadow and lawn, glade and park. At the 
very heart of this demesne lies the house, which by 
varied form unfolds its history, and is surrounded by 
gardens laid out in styles as diverse as the house. 
Fine old trees, memorials of successive owners, shade 
the grounds, protect the house from the east wind, and 
shut out the view of low-lying lands beyond. On the 
south side a curious terrace hides Hinchingbrooke 
from the roadway, and merges into the walls and fences 
which run right round the park. Paths circle the 
estate, leading past the home farm and a few cottages 

1 The most recent history of the house is Hinchingbrooke ', by the eighth 
Earl of Sandwich (London, 1910). The chief authorities for this chapter are 
the Additional Charters in the British Museum ; the Carte MSS. ; the 
Sandwich MSS. ; Noble, Memoirs of the Protector al House of Cromwell ; 
Historical MSS. Commission : Buccleuch MSS. Other references are given 
in the footnotes. 

VOL. I. I 


to the western confines, where the meadows stretch 
towards Brampton. By the side of this walk, a 
favourite haunt of those about the house, runs the 
Alconbury Brook. It skirts the sheltered fish-ponds, 
and flows towards the Ouse, passing out of the park 
under an ancient bridge. 

The name, Nuns' Bridge, still lingers, a relic of 
earlier times; for the house on which the Montagu 
flag now flies was once a nunnery, and some of the 
stones have been in place for nearly a thousand years. 
William the Conqueror, says Leland, removed the 
nuns from Eltisley, in Cambridgeshire, to Hinching- 
brooke, and founded there a Benedictine nunnery, 
dedicated to St. James. 1 The early history of the 
nuns and their foundation can be pieced together, in a 
fragmentary way, from a few old charters. The most 
considerable acquisition in land came to the founda- 
tion in 1199. Previously the nuns had paid a rent of 
fifteen shillings for the sixty acres of meadowland 
outside their gates. But King John at his accession, 
feeling sadly in need of prayers, remitted the rent as 
" soul alms " for himself, his father, and his ancestors. 2 
Then, in 1393, John, Bishop of Lincoln, granted an 
indulgence of forty days to any that bestowed money 
upon the poor nuns of Hinchingbrooke. 3 The appeal 
was answered, and the money put to good use ; for by 
gift and bequest the nunnery acquired, within the 
span of five centuries, land in the parish of Holy 
Trinity, the meadows which stretched towards 
Brampton, a " great close " near the house, a pasture 
called the Vyneyard, an enclosure with a dovecote, 

1 Leland's Itinerary. But the Additional Charters from Ramsey, now in 
the British Museum, show that William the Lion (1143-1214) was a consider- 
able benefactor in adding lands to the foundation, and it is possible that he 
was the founder. (See Add, Charters, No. 33,595.) 

2 Brit. Mus. Add. Charters, 33,597. 3 Ibid., 33,610. 


adjoining the priory, as well as land in many of the 
villages round about Huntingdon, and in Cambridge 
and Northamptonshire. 1 

But this land was not always enjoyed in quiet, and 
at times strife, external or internal, disturbed the 
current of conventual existence. The social disorder 
which marked the close of the fourteenth century 
spread to Hinchingbrooke. The priory was attacked, 
part of the buildings were destroyed, the lands were 
wasted, and the deeds stolen or burned. The ring- 
leaders were excommunicated, and with their removal 
a lull of thirty years supervened. 2 Then the prioress, 
Anne Brynkley, found herself involved in a dispute 
with the bailiffs of Huntingdon over certain rights of 
way and of pasture. 8 Once again royal protection was 
sought, for the property was damaged, and the servants 
of the priory were attacked and wounded. 4 At times 
disorder came from within ; Mary Porter, a nun, 
was dismissed by the prioress, Margaret Cave, to find 
subsistence in some other house of the Order, with a 
threat of perpetual prison if she molested the priory. 6 
Another prioress, Joan Tychemers, petitioned the 
courts against an unfounded charge of incontinency 
which was brought against her. 6 But few other 
petitions or memorials are left to us : some rent rolls, 
the roll of a Court Leet, or a view of frankpledge ; a 
lead pipe, or a fragment of stone of fifteenth-century 
date such are the relics which indicate the history of 
the house up to the dissolution of the monasteries. 
One wing is still known as the Nunneries ; it is now 

1 The list is given in the Valor Ecclesiasticus ; see also Hinchingbrooke, 
pp. 6-8, and the Additional Charters. 

2 Brit. Mus. Add. Charters ', 33,611. The excommunication order is dated 


* Ibid., 33,617. 4 Ibid., 33,616. 

5 Ibid., 33,612. Dated 1410. * Ibid., 33,607. 


a servants' quarter, and the great kitchen, formerly the 
nuns' common-room, alone shows any sign of past 
estate. It was probably rebuilt in accordance with the 
will of Robert Burdon, who directed that " the kytchyn 
of the Nonnys of Fynchyngbroke, besides Huntyndon, 
be taken downe, and newe made uppe of such tymber 
as lay at Boughton of his coste and charge." 1 And all 
traces of the nuns are not obliterated ; any alterations 
may reveal their remains. Within the past two years 
the skeleton of a woman was dug up in the garden, 
scarce three feet below the soil ; and the bones of two 
prioresses lie in their stone coffins just underneath the 
great staircase, where seventeenth-century dames and 
gallants look out from their gilded frames upon the 
living and the dead. 2 

To the buildings of the old nunnery the present 
house was added bit by bit. When the monasteries 
were dissolved, Hinchingbrooke passed into the hands 
of Sir Richard Cromwell, and was gradually converted 
into a dwelling-house with stones brought from Barn- 
well Priory. 3 Most of the work was done by Richard 
Cromwell's son, Henry, the " Golden Knight," and by 
Henry's son, Sir Oliver. The nunnery was left un- 
altered, and upon its south-east side an Elizabethan 
manor-house was gradually built. This jutted out 

1 Bridges, Northamptonshire ', ii. 349. It was from these Burdons that Sir 
Edward Mountagu bought Boughton. 

2 The following list of Prioresses is compiled from the Charters and Rolls in 
the British Museum : Agnes ; Emma de Bideford ; Elena de Walsche (?.<?., 
Ellen Wells), fl. 1275; Alice de Barewyck, fl. 1312; Isabella, fl. 1348; 
Anna, fl. 1353; Joan Tychemers, fl. 1365-1389; Margaret Cave, fl. 1412; 
Anne Brynkley, fl. 1425-1447 ; Margaret Lyle, fl. 1452 ; Elizabeth Brandon, 
fl. 1455-1481 ; Alice Wylton, fl. 1509-1535. The dates are taken from leases, 
etc. ; Elizabeth Brandon is the only Prioress whose exact date of installation 
is recorded. 

3 Noble, Memoirs of the Protectoral House of Cromwell, dedicated to the 
fourth Earl of Sandwich (edition of 1787). The footnotes in Noble's book 
indicate the contents of many deeds which were in the Earl's possession. 



From a 'portrait by Robert Walker 

To face p. 4 01 Vol. I 


from the corner of the nunnery, and faced the mag- 
nificent Norman gateway. On the north front of the 
new house two fine Tudor windows bore the Cromwell 
arms upon their stonework, and after Queen Eliza- 
beth's frequent visits the royal cipher was added. 
That part of the house which faced the east was 
adorned by a great bow-window, two stories high ; 
the royal arms crowned the whole, and under these 
the Cromwell arms were also quartered. 1 

The building and the upkeep of the new house, 
added to the cost of another considerable residence at 
Ramsey, were the undoing of the Cromwells. Every- 
thing was done upon a scale of great magnificence. 
As Henry passed from one seat to the other, he threw 
largesse out of the windows of his coach to the poor 
countrymen who lined the roadside. 2 Lavish enter- 
tainments given by him and by his son to Elizabeth 
and James, when the royal guests received coffers of 
gold, horses, hounds, and hawks, and the populace 
had access to the cellars, cost the Cromwells their 
home. Ruined by this extravagance and saddened by 
the death of his wife, Sir Oliver sold Hinchingbrooke. 
He hoped that the King would buy it for a royal 
residence, and offered it to James at a reasonable 
price. 3 But the King refused it, and in 1627 the 
house and manors passed into the possession of the 
Mountagus for about ^"3,ooo. 4 

1 Nichols, in his Progresses of James I. (i. 98), says, on Noble's authority, 
that the window was built for the King's first visit ; but the date upon the 
window is 1602. The royal arms were probably added in 1603. Engravings 
of the north and east sides of the house are in Noble, vol. i., and in Neale's 
Views of Seats. A fine old engraving, which gives a view of the same sides, 
and includes the nunnery, is by Nathaniel and Samuel Buck, and dated about 
1730. The window last-mentioned was reconstructed on the south side of the 
house after the fire of 1830. 

2 Noble, Memoirs of the Cromwells, i. 22. 
8 Cal. S. P., Dom., November 14, 1624. 
4 Noble, Memoirs of the Cromwells, i. 44. 


The Motmtagu who acquired Hinchingbrooke came 
of a family which has given to the nation innumerable 
men who have served it on land, at sea, and in the 
learned professions. By right of birth and dint of 
service the family, as a whole, can boast of many 
distinctions : in the short span of five reigns its 
members obtained no less than two dukedoms, five 
earldoms, and four baronies ; while they displayed 
great capacity, especially for law and administration. 1 
They trace their descent from early times, through Dreu 
de Montaigu, a Norman of the Conquest, and from 
the Montacutes of chivalry. Family tradition handed 
down the descent through a series of Montacutes, 
and thus through the Monthermers, until they are 
found as Mountagus settled at Hanging Houghton, 
Hemington, and Boughton in Northamptonshire. 2 
Of this family, a particular Edward Mountagu, son 
of one Thomas Mountagu, was the representative. 3 
He was born at the opening of the sixteenth cen- 
tury, and rose to distinction as a lawyer ; he was 
knighted in 1537, and became a serjeant-at-law, and 
finally was made Chief Justice of the King's Bench. 
He was in Henry VIII.'s confidence, and entertained 
the King with the sumptuousness of a Wolsey. He 
was one of the Council of Regency during the 
minority of Edward VI. The dissolution of the 
monasteries brought him numerous Church lands 
and the Manor of Barnwell. At the same time he 

1 In Galton's Hereditary Genius there are some very interesting notes upon 
the Mountagus. See also Sanford and Townsend's Great Governing Families. 
Despite an evident bias against the family, the authors are bound to admit 
many excellencies in its members. 

2 C. Wise, The Mountagus of Boughton. See also Hinchingbrooke, and 
Collins' Peerage (edition Brydges). The Carte MSS., 74, ff. 420-426, show 
that Sir Sydney was working at the family history, and an incomplete pedigree 
is in Carte MSS., 239, f. 107. 

3 The land he inherited is given in the Inquisitions (Henry VIII.). 


purchased parcels of land in the county of Huntingdon, 
and laid the foundation of a Mountagu estate round 
Brampton, Stukeley, and Alconbury. 1 

On Sir Edward Mountagu's death, in 1557, he was 
succeeded by his son, another Edward, who was a 
Knight of the Shire, Deputy-Lieutenant, and Sheriff of 
Northampton. This second Edward Mountagu died in 
1602, leaving three daughters and six sons. 2 Of these, 
the eldest became Baron Mountagu of Boughton ; 
the third son, Henry, was successively Recorder of 
London, King's Counsel, King's Serjeant, and Chief 
Justice of the King's Bench. He bought Kimbolton, 
revived the name of the Mandeville family, and was 
created Baron Kimbolton and Viscount Mandeville. 
Two of the younger sons, James and Sydney, were 
well-known men in their time, and, since the first 
had many associations with Hinchingbrooke, and the 
second eventually owned the place, their careers are 
traced in some detail. 

James Mountagu took Holy Orders ; he became 
Bishop of Bath and Wells, and afterwards Bishop 
of Winchester. Before his preferment he was Master 
of Sidney Sussex, Cambridge, and was chosen by his 
University to present the official welcome to James 
on his coming to England. The King stayed at 
Hinchingbrooke, where he was entertained, says a 
chronicler, in a manner that " made all former entertain- 
ments forgotten, and all future despair to do the like. 
All the pipes about the house expressed themselves in 
no other language than the several sorts of choicest 

1 Huntingdonshire Fines, p. 226. These are shortly to be published, 
under the editorship of Mr. G. J. Turner, to whom the writer is indebted for 
permission to consult the proofs. 

2 Edward, Walter, Henry, James, Charles, and Sydney. Another Henry, 
the eldest child, died when an infant. 


wines." 1 Amid festivities the deputation met him, the 
heads of colleges arrayed in their scarlet gowns and 
corner caps. So pleased was the King with James 
Mountagu's conversation and address that the courtiers 
saw " the Beams of Royall favour shining in at a small 
cranny," and an offer of the Deanery of the Chapels 
Royal was made and accepted. This position brought 
Mountagu constantly into communication with the 
King ; he became James's literary adviser, and was 
responsible for a handsome edition of his works, better 
clothed than they deserve to be. 2 Mountagu, indeed, 
was an unwilling editor ; he had no great faith in the 
King's judgment upon controversial matters, and in- 
clined to wish that His Majesty would not meddle 
in them. 3 

The bent of the King's mind towards a mixture of 
theology and superstition brought James Mountagu 
again into connexion with Huntingdon. For when 
the King was writing his treatise upon witchcraft he 
wished to examine the story of incantation at Hinching- 
brooke ; for the house had its legend. Sir Henry 
Cromwell's second wife died in 1592, after a lingering 
illness, and her death was attributed to the evil-eye. 
The frenzy of the age fixed upon a poor family as the 
culprits, and they were confined in Cambridge Gaol. 4 
The King had need of all such evidence, and in 1604 
James Mountagu was set to collect particulars in the 
surrounding district. Some information was gathered 
at Hinchingbrooke, but nothing to the point. The 
King and James Mountagu examined an informant, 

1 Fuller's History of the University of Cambridge > p. 157 (edition of 1655). 

2 The Workes of the Most High and Mighty Prince James I. Published 
by James, Bishop of Winchester (London, 1616). 

3 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 6178, f. 843 : James Mountagu to Lord Salis- 
bury, October 24, 1608. 

4 Noble, Memoirs of the Cromwells, \. 25. 


but found him weak and simple, waywardly conceited, 
and utterly unlearned. The girls who were accused 
of sorcery were proved sane, natural, and healthy, 
yet for a time were kept in confinement. " I wish we 
were rid of them," wrote James Mountagu, " for their 
charge groweth great." 1 

His uncertainty about witchcraft was expressed to a 
friend, for James Mountagu was too much of a courtier 
to offend the King by any doubts. A few of his letters 
passed to Hinchingbrooke, and thence into the Carte 
papers. One, which has been preserved, shows him 
possessed of some little wit : 

"I have been much trobled with the toothake ..." 
he wrote to his mother : " now I am better, for I am 
ridd of my payne and of my teeth both. The Kinge 
tells me that if my head ache, I must cut it off the next 
time, but I tell him I will leave that for him to do. 
His Majesty," he continues, " hath been trobled with 
the toothake too, but he will not pull them out, but 
takes such hott medecines as have marred all the teeth 
in his head." 

Then comes a serious turn : 

" Heere is no newes now but of a parlament, and 
that is only for monny, and 1 wish the Kinge had it, 
and that he had an end of it, for we shall never have 
the Kinge in quiet so long as it lasteth." 2 

Since the Bishop had the ear of King James, he was 
able to do some service for the rest of the family. 
When his brother Edward incurred the King's dis- 
pleasure, it was James Mountagu who acted as mediator. 
41 You shall find the King gracious," he told his brother ; 

1 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 6177, f. 403 (199 N. S.). 

2 Carte MSS., 74, f. 326, February 19, 1614. It was at James Mountagu 
that Bacon once aimed his wit. When the Bishop cut down some trees in a dark 
place, Bacon remarked that it was the first dark place that Bishop Mountagu 
had ever illuminated (Hist. MSS. Comm. : Wombwdl MSS.\ 


" unless I be sure of that, you shall not come to him." ] 
" Brothers that love are all concerned when one is 
unkindly dealt with," wrote Henry, and the Mountagus 
could always rely on James. 2 He smoothed over the 
family troubles, and interested himself in the advance- 
ment of his kin. For his youngest brother the Bishop 
showed a special affection. Much of his correspon- 
dence concerns either a good marriage for Sydney, or 
some place for him at Court. " The widow is worth 
having, though nothing so rich as she is reported," he 
wrote. 3 And to obtain for Sydney a Mastership of 
Requests, James worked hard ; he feared the Master 
would not give up his post; "it may be he would 
draw the strings higher." 4 But his persistence was 
rewarded : he saw his brother obtain the Mastership 
and a knighthood. Soon afterwards the Bishop 
died. He bequeathed to the King a cup of gold 
worth 100, and some plate to his brothers, 
Edward, Henry, and Sydney, "having left them all 
better remembrances of another kind." The remainder 
of his fortune, save a few legacies, went to his brother 
Charles. " I think it," said he, " both a natural and 
a Christian duty to do somewhat for the good of the 
House from which I am descended." 5 

Sydney, the youngest brother, was born about 1571, 
and witnessed the end of the Elizabethan age and the 
beginning of the Stewart troubles. In 1587 he 
followed his brothers, Henry and James, to Christ's 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Buccleuch MSS., i. 237. See also report on MSS. 
at Beaulieu, pp. 46, 47. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Buccleuch MSS., i. 244. 

3 Carte MSS., 74, f. 369. 4 Ibid., f. 337. 

5 A copy of the will is in Lansdownc MSS., 983, f. 181 ; probate was 
granted on July 21, 1618. See also the Bucclettch MSS., i. 253. In the 
Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 17,083 there is a quaint velvet-covered autograph - 
book which contains the signatures of many royal and distinguished people. 
The Bishop has written : " Theatrum virtutis conscientia." 


College, Cambridge, where a flagon of silver-gilt com- 
memorates their residence. Thence he proceeded to 
the Middle Temple. 1 Some of his letters describe the 
festivities for the marriage of the King's daughter ; the 
fireworks, the masques, and the sham fight on the 
Thames, when a Turkish castle, built near Lambeth, 
was assaulted. 2 But Sydney Mountagu does not 
write as though his heart were in such scenes. He 
was far happier when reading or inditing a religious 
work. In the neatest of hands he wrote long com- 
mentaries upon some chapter or text, bound them most 
sumptuously, and sent them to his friends and rela- 
tions. 3 He was a deeply devout man, whose delight 
was not only in long theological exercises, but in 
weaving a religious bond into the family life ; yet, 
according to his brothers, he was very reserved, " as 
none shall be of his counsell." 4 

His reserve did not, however, prevent his getting on 
in the world. In 1 592 he sat as Member for Brackley in 
Queen Elizabeth's eighth Parliament. For some time 
he was Groom of the Bedchamber to James L, but his 
most important office was the Mastership of Requests ; 
the salary was 100, and the numerous fees, of perhaps 
" six angells," brought him yearly a very considerable 
sum. There are traces of his work in petitions as 
diverse as an appeal from the Wickhams for the 
recognition of " founder's kin " at New College, and a 
petition from the inhabitants of Holborn for adorning 
the entry to their city with fair buildings. 6 In 1616 

1 Peile, Biographical Register of Christ's College. Middle Temple Records, 
May 11, 1593. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Buccleuch MSS., i. 243. 

3 Several of these books, in manuscript, are at Hinchingbrooke. One is in 
the British Museum a "valida consolatio " for his mother (Add. MSS., 

4 Hist. MSS, Comm. : Biicdeuch MSS., i. 250. 

8 Collectanea Topographica, iii. 192, 357 ; Carte MSS., 223, f. 165. 


Sydney was made a Knight of the Bath. He was then 
living at Barnwell. He began to acquire some property, 
more than is usual for a younger son, and appears to 
have been a thrifty man. He was married, in 1618, to 
Paulina Pepys, who was not by any means an heiress. 1 
But Mountagu, without making a wealthy match, was 
prepared to purchase a considerable freehold. In 
1627 the Earl of Manchester bought part of the old 
forest of Wabridge, and the Hinchingbrooke estate, 
from Sir Oliver Cromwell. "Because my brother 
Sydney lacks a house," wrote the Earl, "and I was 
troubled to think what to do with the house, I have let 
him have that part of the purchase." 2 So it came about 
that Sir Sydney Mountagu took over the property, 
and moved with his young family to Hinchingbrooke. 
One reason for his readiness to leave Northampton- 
shire was the grief which he felt at the death of his 
little son, Henry. The boy was born in 1622. When 
only three years of age he was drowned in the moat at 
Barnwell. His memorial is in the Church of All 
Saints : " A wittie and hopefull child, tender and 
deere in the sight of his parents and much lamented of 
his friends." 3 For a brief space Sir Sydney was 
left with but one child, a daughter, Elizabeth, or 

1 Her father left her 200. See Nichols' Topographer and Genealogist, 
1858, iii. 101. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Buccleuch MSS., i. 266. The great forest of Wey- 
bridge, or Wauberge, included all the forest lands in Huntingdonshire. 

3 He died on April 28, 1625, three months before his brother's birth. In 
the Complete Peerage (edition of 1896) by G. E. C., the boy is put down as son 
of the first Earl of Sandwich. In several other works he is said to have been 
drowned at sea. 

The chancel of All Saints contains the monuments of many of the Mountagus. 
Sir Sydney Mountagu was at one time joint patron of the church, but gave 
over the patronage to his brother. Sir Sydney was buried there, and many of 
his successors. In 1884 the eighth Earl of Sandwich closed the vault, erected 
a tablet to the members of his family, and removed the remains of his mother 
and brother Sydney to Brampton, which is now the family burying-place. 


Eliza as she signs herself, who was born in 1620.* 
And then, on July 27, 1625, came a third and last child, 
Edward, the future Earl of Sandwich. 

The boy was just two years of age when Sir Sydney 
Mountagu purchased Hinchingbrooke, and began that 
long association between the Mountagus and the town 
and county of Huntingdon which endures to the pres- 
ent day. 2 Sir Sydney's son, though not Huntingdon- 
born, was Huntingdon-bred. He received his earliest 
and most lasting impressions in the house and town 
which keep his memory green. Under the oaks and 
cedars at Hinchingbrooke, or in the quaint buildings 
of the nunnery, he absorbed the stones, legends, and 
traditions of his home. He heard the tales of Oliver 
Cromwell's near escape from the clutches of a monkey 
upon the roof of the house, and his scuffle with young 
Prince Charles among the glades of the garden. Some 
old retainer, perhaps, could tell of the elder Cromwell's 
lavish entertainments held on the coming of King 
James, and had heard the sovereign say, in his strong 
brogue, " Marry, mon, thou hast treated me better 
than any one syne I left Edinburgh." Other servants 
had stories of Charles, who was a frequent visitor 
when Prince of Wales, and who became king the year 
young Edward Mountagu was born. 

As the boy grew up, he saw the King for himself. 
When Edward was nine years of age, and again the 
next year, Charles and his Queen stayed some two 
nights at Hinchingbrooke. 3 The suite stayed at the 

1 Sandwich MSS. , Appendix , f. 120. The date of her birth is June 13, 1620. 

2 Among the Carte MSS. are frequent evidences of Sir Sydney's activity in 
county business. He had much unpopular work to do such matters as dis- 
traint of knighthood, collection of ship-money, searching out recusants, and so 
forth. For ship-money he was assessed at 6 135. 4d. ; while Apollo 
Pepys, Esq., is assessed at los. (Carte MSS., 74, f. 206). The rest of his 
papers are in the same volume, ff. 170-209 ; or in vol. 103, flf. 35-52. 

3 Carte MSS., 74, f. 177. 


George, an hostelry which still retains some traces of 
the appearance it wore in Stewart times. At Hinching- 
brooke the King no doubt showed Edward the place 
where he, as Prince of Wales, had had a dangerous 
fall. 1 But the boy became no courtier. After the 
bustle of a royal visit his life ran again in a lonely 
groove. His mother, who was often ailing, died 
when he was but twelve. 2 Three months later his 
only sister, then a girl of eighteen, left home as the 
bride of Sir Gilbert Pickering. 3 Edward was without 
a single friend, save his stern and pious father, a man 
close on sixty, further saddened by the death of his 
wife. The lad was thus thrown on his own resources ; 
though he was within riding distance of his cousins at 
Boughton and Kimbolton, a visit could rarely be under- 
taken by one so young. For companion he had his 
father's steward or bailiff; for sport, the run of the game 
for seven miles round the house. 4 For lessons he walked 
to the ancient grammar-school, which carried on the 
severe and Puritan traditions of Cromwell's school- 
master, Dr. Beard. Between the discipline of his 
school and the religious strictness of Sir Sydney, young 
Edward grew up with a wholesome fear of God and 
the stick. In addition to the conventional knowledge 
of the classics, he acquired a considerable proficiency 
in mathematics and astronomy, studies which he con- 
tinued in later life; he learned the rudiments of 
surveying, and could draw rough plans and measure 
them to scale. For pictorial art he exhibited little 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., November 2, 1622. 

2 Lady Mountagu died on February 17, 1638 (Sandwich MSS., Appendix, 
f. 120). 

3 She was married on May 15, 1638 (Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 120). 
Her husband's home was Tichmarsh, near Thrapston, Northamptonshire, so 
that he was a near neighbour of the Mountagus. At the time of the marriage 
he was twenty-eight. 

4 Cal. S. P., Dom., March 2, 1628. 


taste, but he was endowed with that musical ability 
which his successors have inherited; he sang agree- 
ably, composed anthems and songs in the dilettante 
fashion of his times, and played with skill upon the 
various stringed instruments. He was intended for 
the study of the law, and when he was ten years of 
age his name was placed upon the books of the Middle 
Temple. 1 

When Edward Mountagu was in his fourteenth 
year, the King came once more to Hinchingbrooke. 2 
This time the current talk in the family was such as 
would stir the ardour and imagination of the lad. Of 
the four years' dispute over the ship-money, then 
hardly ended, a boy would understand little. But now 
an actual war was in prospect, for the Scots had risen 
in defence of their religion, signed the National 
Covenant, and abolished Episcopacy. Charles was 
on his way northwards to quell what he considered 
a revolt, and as he moved from house to house he 
sought to stiffen the loyalty of his subjects, and to 
collect money and arms. On March 27 he was at 
Hinchingbrooke. For weeks the Mountagus at their 
various houses had been busy preparing money and 
horses. Edward, Lord Mandeville, was sent into 
Huntingdon to muster the forces of the county ; and 
the whole family was engaged in making ploughboys 
into soldiers. Old weapons which had lain aside since 
the days of Elizabeth were furbished up ; some of the 
suits of armour were ill-matched, a few could be 
classed as "reasonable fashionable." Mandeville had 
furnished his men with carbines and buff coats and 
scarves; many wore headpieces, breastplates, and 
gauntlets. Lord Mountagu's men had red breeches 

1 Middle Temple Records, May 4, 1635. 

2 Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 120. 


to their buff coats, " because otherwise, being country 
fellows, they will not be so neatly habited." 1 What 
a splendid sight for young Edward when the soldiers 
assembled at his father's ; and the great farm waggons 
were dragged out, and piled with armour and pro- 
visions; and gold was sent, and horses, and in the 
courtyard at Hinchingbrooke these offerings were 
laid at the King's feet. But at the last moment 
Lord Mandeville withdrew. Though the muster 
made a deep impression on the boy's mind, the 
absence of his cousin, and the failure of the expedi- 
tion, made a mark yet deeper. To every question 
which he asked as to the progress of the Bishops' 
war, the answer was a tale of unreadiness and mis- 

The disastrous result of the King's Scottish policy 
gave a great impetus to the long-threatened quarrel 
between King and Parliament. When this broke out, 
Sir Sydney Mountagu inclined towards the Royalist 
side. He was asked by Parliament to lend 2,000 for 
the war; on his refusal he found himself under a 
cloud, and was suspended from his Mastership of 
Requests. 2 But he remained in the House; at the 
opening of the Long Parliament he sat as Knight of 
the Shire, and witnessed the whole political drama. 
In a few months much happened ; the King's advisers 
were impeached, and one of them was brought to the 
block. The Star Chamber and the great conciliar 
Courts were abolished ; the collection of ship-money 
was declared illegal. The vote of censure on the 
King's government, known as the Grand Remonstrance, 

1 Hist. MSB. Comm. : Bucchuch MSS., i. 276-284. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm.: Duke of Rutland's MSS., i. 521. An entry in 
Cal. S. P., Dom.y shows that his arrears of salary, ^350 for three and a half 
years' service, were paid to his son on July 31, 1654. 


passed by only eleven votes, while a dim candlelight 
touched the hilt of the swords not yet drawn from 
their scabbards. Such were the scenes Sir Sydney 
witnessed ; and when the crisis came, his nephew, 
Lord Kimbolton, or Mandeville, was impeached with 
the five members. Before the Parliament was many 
months old, England was in the midst of civil war. 

Sir Sydney was then seventy years of age, and, 
since he was past bearing arms, he retired to Hinching- 
brooke. But there bitterness awaited him. His own 
county denied allegiance to the King, and received 
thanks for their care and affection, and for their gifts 
of money and plate dedicated to the service of the 
Parliament. Sir Sydney's manner and his withdrawal 
from public life were watched with suspicion, and on 
October 27, 1642, he was " summoned forthwith to 
attend the service of the House." 1 Once more he 
returned to London, an unwilling witness of the 
further attacks levelled at the monarchy. At length, 
on December 3, was presented the question for 
adhering to the Earl of Essex and his army. 2 But 
with Essex and his army the old knight would make no 
pact : " He would not swear to live with him, because 
he was an old man, and might die before him ; nor 
would he swear to die with him, since the Earl was 
going with an army against the King, which he did 
not know how to free from treason." 3 And Sir 
Sydney was not content with a refusal to take the 
oath, but drew from his pocket a proclamation of the 
King's which proclaimed them traitors that had taken 
the same. 4 

1 Commons' Journals, October 27, 1642. 

2 Ibid., December 3. 

3 Warwick's Memoirs, p. 221. 

4 Vicars, God in the Motint, p. 223. See also A Moderate and Most Proper 
Reply, etc., Thomason Tracts, E. 244 (No. 35) and E. 242 (No. 34). 

VOL. I. 2 


For his defiance to Parliament the stanch old 
knight was committed to the Tower. He lay some 
days in prison, and then drafted a petition for release ; 
he was threescore and eleven years old, he wrote, 
and the restraint was like to impair his health. 1 On 
December 16 he was forgiven, released, and dis- 
charged ; but two members were told off to move him 
to lend 1,000 towards the war, upon the security 
of the public faith. 2 Only his accounts could show 
whether he complied. He retained his membership of 
the House, but was disabled from sitting, and retired 
to his home. He was then summoned by the King to 
Oxford, but excused himself on the grounds of ill- 
health and old age. 3 He was desirous of living in 
peace, but even his own family was rent by differences 
of opinion. After a short sojourn at Hinchingbrooke, 
he handed over the housekeeping there to his only son. 4 
It was in 1643 that he thus severed his life from Hunt- 
ingdon and retired to his old home at Barnwell. Yet, 
old and broken as he was, he took a second wife. On 
January 17, 1644, ne married Ann, the widow of John 
Pey, a Westminster citizen. She was one of the 
Ishams of Lamport, a good Northamptonshire stock. 5 
Their married life lasted only a few months, for on 
September 25, 1644, Sir Sydney Mountagu died, and 
was buried at All Saints', Barnwell. 

1 Carte MSS. y 74, ff. 349 and 375. 

2 Commons' Journals , December 16. 

3 Carte MSS., 74, f. 155 : Julius Bedell to his godfather, Sir Sydney 

4 Sandwich MSS., Appendix ; f. 120. 

5 See Oswald Barren, Northamptonshire Families. The lady married 
again, one Anthony Luther, of Kelvedon Hatch, Essex. She always subscribed 
herself as "Dame Anne Mountagu," keeping the surname of her most dis- 
tinguished husband. She is mentioned now and again in Pepys's Diary (once 
as "Lady Mountagu, my Lord's mother-in-law," September 3, 1661), and 
has occasioned some trouble to the diarist's editors. 


Sir Sydney lived long enough to see his son's sword 
drawn for the Parliament. Fifteen months before his 
father's death, young Edward Mountagu went over to 
the enemy. The seclusion of his boyhood had told upon 
him, and allowed him opportunity to form his own 
judgment. His Puritan upbringing, the failure of the 
King's policy, and the impeachment of his cousin, had 
made a deep impression on his mind. His father was 
half a century his senior, unbending and remote in 
manner ; so that the example of the old knight, fight- 
ing for a losing cause, was outweighed by other and 
more potent influences. 

Foremost of these was the new tie which Edward 
Mountagu had woven. At seventeen he married 
Jemima Crew, a girl of his own age. 1 The bride's 
father was a stanch Parliamentarian, as stout for the 
one side as Sir Sydney Mountagu was for the other. 
The family home was at Stene in Northamptonshire, 
a manor held from the Crown by a promise of fealty 
and the rent of a red rose. 2 The estate came into the 
family through Temperance Bray, wife of Sir Thomas 
Crew, who left it to her son John. The family 
names show their Puritan tendencies : the daughters 
were Patience, Silence, Prudence ; the sons, John, 
Nathaniel, and Salathiel. Sir Thomas Crew had in- 
curred the displeasure of James L, and John Crew 
was no more eager to conciliate Charles. The owner 
of Stene was a Presbyterian, and would have had our 
religion uniform with that of Scotland. 5 When the 
Civil War broke out, he subscribed 200 in plate and 
maintained four horses for the Parliament. It was 

1 Jemima Crew was born on July 17, 1625, ten days before her husband. 
The marriage took place at St. Margaret's, Westminster, on November 7, 1642. 

3 Bridges, Northamptonshire. ', i. 197. 

3 Verney Papers on the Long Parliament, p. 78 (Camden Society's Publica- 
tions). And see the article on Crew in the Diet. Nat. Biog. 


while this enthusiasm was red-hot that his daughter 
married Edward Mountagu, and it was through Crew's 
influence that his son-in-law sided with the Parliament. 
" Mountagu was of a family too much addicted to 
innovations in religion, and that in the beginning 
of the troubles appeared against the King," says 
Clarendon, "though his father, who had been long 
a servant to the Crown, never could be prevailed 
upon to swerve from his allegiance, and took all the 
care he could to restrain this, the only son, within 
those limits." 1 But Sir Sydney's religious influence 
was hardly of the school of Laud or of Charles I. ; 
what he has left in writing shows that his mind was 
cast in the Puritan mould, though he adhered to the 
Church of England. By the seeds he had sown his 
son's mind was ready for innovations ; and when 
Edward married Jemima Crew he went a step aside 
from the Established Church he "trod awry," as 
Clarendon phrases it, under the influence of his father- 

Yet another family who took up arms against the 
King, and with whom Mountagu was intimately con- 
nected, was that of the Pickerings. Sir Gilbert was 
Deputy- Lieutenant of Northamptonshire, and was 
active in raising troops and money to resist the 
Crown. Above all, he was "furious, fiery, and im- 
placable" against the loyal clergy. 2 He passed from 
Presbyterianism to Independency, and worked hard 
for the cause of religious freedom. Thus Mountagu 
found himself beset on all sides ; not only his wife 
and sister, but the most prominent of his kith and 
kin, walked in the one path and inclined in the one 

1 Clarendon, History of the Rebellion, book xvi., 153. 

2 See the article on Sir Gilbert Pickering in the Diet. Nat. Biog. 


But above the influence of Crew or Pickering must 
be put that of Oliver Cromwell, to whom Edward 
Mountagu dedicated a dogged hero-worship, and 
whom he served faithfully for fifteen years. In the 
neighbourhood of Huntingdon, Oliver's name stood 
for freedom : he had secured the rights to pasturage 
of the poorer burgesses when threatened by a new 
town charter, and did the like for those round St. Ives 
and Ely. 1 He had opposed the sale of certain common 
lands to the Earl of Manchester, and was looked upon 
as the author of the riots which the sale had caused. 2 
In religious matters he had taken a definite stand 
against innovations, and did much to strengthen Non- 
conformity in the eastern counties. By the time that 
Edward Mountagu was upon the threshold of man- 
hood, Cromwell's local power was so strong as to 
appeal to the youth in a way the rigid loyalty of his 
father had never done ; " he was so far wrought upon 
by the caresses of Cromwell that, out of pure affection 
to him, he was persuaded to take command in the 
army." 3 

The influence of this great man only overspread 
Mountagu after the Crews had planted the seed of 
independence. In 1643 the counties which contained 
and touched the great fenlands rose against the 
King, and were banded together into an Association 
for mutual defence. Those clergymen who sided with 
the Parliament preached a crusade. Cromwell threw 
the whole of his strength into the work of enlistment, 
seeking out men of religion to join the cause, and 
calling for contributions. 4 "Out instantly, all you 

1 See Professor C. H. Firth's Cromwell, chap. ii. , and Carlyle's Letters and 
Speeches of Cromwell, edited by Mrs. Lomas. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Earl Cowper^s MSS., pp. 282, 284. 

3 Clarendon, Rebellion, book xvi., 153. 

4 Carlyle's Cromwell. 


can," said he. During the early months of the year, 
Cromwell was frequently at Huntingdon, and his 
enthusiasm drew Edward Mountagu more and more 
towards the parliamentary side. On February 9, 1643, 
a meeting of the Association was held at Bury St. 
Edmunds, and Edward Mountagu took down the 
articles of association, and the names of the members, 
in a boyish hand. 1 He went home, and worked in his 
own county, for Huntingdon, because of its "fears 
and distractions," needed someone upon the spot. It 
was said that if a man should come down thither he 
should have ten thousand men, but that they might 
go over to the Royalists. 2 Cromwell prevented this, 
and Edward Mountagu was his lieutenant. Long 
before the county was formally admitted to the Asso- 
ciation it was reckoned among the faithful, and in 
May it was formally enrolled. 3 Edward Mountagu 
was put upon the Committee of the Counties, and 
Parliament made him a Deputy - Lieutenant. 4 He 
prepared to take an active part in the war. On 
August 9 his cousin, Edward of Kimbolton, now 
Earl of Manchester, was placed in command of the 
Association's forces. He unfurled a green standard, 
fringed with red, which bore in gold letters the motto 
"Truth and Peace." Under these colours, Edward 
Mountagu of Hinchingbrooke was authorized to raise 
a regiment. Truly, as Cromwell said, God had stirred 
up the youth to cast in their mite. It was young 

1 Carte MSS., 74, f. 163. 

2 Thomason Tracts, February, 1643. 

3 Husband, Ordinances, ii. 183 ; Commons' Journals, May 25. Hitherto 
Huntingdon had been associated with Leicester ; the county now joined 
Cambridge, Hertford, Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk. There was some dispute 
in 1643 as to whether Huntingdon had been over-assessed in proportion to 
Northamptonshire and Bedford. See Carte MSS., 103, f. 209, and 117, 
fif. 302-319. 

4 Commons' Journals, June 1 6. 


officers or none ; and these striplings worked with 
enthusiasm : " When you strike in on the Lord's side, 
on his Churches side, on his Causes side, you shall 
not only strike in with the best side, with the best 
cause, but with the most prevailing, with that side 
which must and shall have the victory at the last." 1 

1 Thomason Tracts : The True Informer ; E. 50, No. 5. 



"Blessed be the Lord my strength, which teacheth my hands to war, and 
my fingers to fight." Ps. cxliv. 

WHEN Edward Mountagu first held a commission in 
Manchester's army, he had barely entered upon his 
nineteenth year. If his portrait may be trusted, he 
looked much younger, and it is hard to believe that 
he was master of Hinchingbrooke, and a husband. 
His boyish face was framed in long brown hair, he 
had a high forehead, a long, delicate nose, curved 
nostrils, and a full, shapely mouth. He was, in appear- 
ance, more a Cavalier than a Roundhead. His figure 
was slight, and gave no indication that he would 
grow stout and unwieldy in later life. He was painted 
in a rich dress, and was depicted pointing to a globe. 
The artist, Peter Lely, selected a suitable pose and 
setting for one whose favourite studies were scientific. 
But shortly after the portrait was painted, Mountagu 
was absorbed in politics and warfare. Mathematics 
had not made him subtle, but logical ; and his respon- 

1 Authorities : S. R. Gardiner, Great Civil War (the later edition in 
4 vols.) ; C. H. Firth, Cromwell, and Cromwell 's Army ; T. Carlyle, Crom- 
well's Letters and Speeches (edited by Mrs. Lomas). Of contemporary 
authorities, Sprigge's Anglia Rediviva has been used for the Naseby and 
Bristol campaigns. But most of the new matter concerning Mountagu is 
taken from the Thomason Tracts^ and practically the whole collection, from 
1643 to 1660, has been searched through, and yielded a fair amount of evidence 
as to his career. The journal of his regiment is in the Carte MSS. , vol. Ixxiv. 



sibilities had made him a man older than his years. 
Under Cromwell's influence he developed with an 
astonishing rapidity, which makes it difficult to asso- 
ciate the boyish figure and bearing of the portrait 
with the deeds of the next two years. 

He was one of a number of young colonels whom 
Cromwell selected from the various county families, 
not because of their birth for with him that weighed 
little but because he saw in them the material out of 
which leaders are fashioned, and because those whom 
he had chosen manifested devotion to his cause. Their 
lack of experience was made less glaring by their 
enthusiasm ; they were volunteers in the truest sense. 
For a school of strategy they had Caesar and Livy; 
from the Swedish Intelligencer, a journal widely read, 
they could study the campaigns of Gustavus Adolphus. 
Round the camp fire, Crawford, who had served under 
the great Swedish king, could tell stories of his 
exploits ; while Skippon had seen campaigns in the 
Netherlands; and Cromwell, at first a student, fast 
became a master of tactics. There were many men 
from whom a youth could learn his business; and 
thus it came about that Edward Mountagu acquired 
a theoretical knowledge of warfare, and, after a few r 
months' drill and practice, proved himself well worthy 
of his masters. 

His commission dates from August 20, 1643, when 
he was empowered to raise a regiment of one thousand 
men in Cambridgeshire and the Isle of Ely. 1 He was 
provided with "mounting money," and set about 
equipping his men. Each company contained one 
hundred soldiers, a captain, a lieutenant and ensign, 
non-commissioned officers, drummers, surgeon, 

1 Collins, Peerage, edition Brydges, iii. 449. The usual strength of a 
regiment of foot was 1,200. See Firth, CronwaeWs Army, p. 18. 


waggon-master, gentlemen of the arms, and clerk of 
the company. The colonel provided a chaplain for the 
regiment. He also selected a banner and a motto. 
The confusion of colours in the earlier fights gradu- 
ally gave way to the uniform redcoat of the Parlia- 
mentary army, and Mountagu's regiment wore red 
coats with white facings. 1 By November, 1643, four 
companies were equipped, and prepared to join the 
army; during the winter the numbers were doubled, 
and in a few months the regiment was at full strength. 2 
The men joined Manchester's army just a year after 
the Royal Standard challenged Parliament from the 
battlements of Nottingham Castle, and the war began. 
The western counties endured the first strokes of the 
contest, but in 1643 the tide surged slowly towards 
East Anglia, where resistance to the King was 
sharpened by the revelation that the Royalists were 
prepared to call in help from abroad. Various efforts 
at peace had already failed, and the bitterness on 
both sides was gradually intensified. On the very day 
that Mountagu's regiment began its march, the King 
decided to make use of Irish soldiers, sending " his 
bloody villains over to settle the Protestant religion 
here in England." 3 On the following day Parliament 
authorized the use of a new Great Seal, and gave to a 
Commission the highest symbol of sovereignty. 4 From 
that moment the hand was put to the plough, and 
there was no looking back. 

1 Exchequer Papers, March 27, 1644. The term "Redcoats," applied to 
the Roundhead soldiers, appears quite early. The royalist paper Mercurius 
Auticus, on February 20, 1643, speak s^contemptuously of "the Redcoats" 
following a clergyman up to the Communion-table with tobacco-pipes in their 
mouths, and behaving outrageously in church (Brit. Mus. : Thomason Tract, 
E. 246, No. 41). 

2 Carte MSS., 74, f. 159, and MS. notes of Professor Firth. 

3 Brit. Mus. : Thomason Tracts, E. 47, No. 19. 

4 Gardiner, Civil War, i. 249. 


This happened in the autumn of 1643. The whole 
of the north and west of England was then in the 
King's hands, and his Court was at Oxford. The 
Parliament guarded London, and directed operations 
from Westminster Hall. They held a great triangle of 
the country, the base running from the Isle of Wight 
to the Wash, while the two sides enclosed the 
Midlands, and eventually reached an apex in Lanca- 
shire and Cheshire. Just outside the triangle was 
Lincolnshire, and the county became the scene of the 
autumn campaign. The northern army of the 
Royalists endeavoured to secure all roads to the 
north. Once they could cross the Humber and 
establish themselves in Lincoln, the Eastern Associa- 
tion lay open to them, and the stronghold of Parlia- 
ment was endangered. Manchester's army was told 
off to gain the county and make it secure. The work 
was quickly done ; Cromwell, the commander of the 
horse, routed the Royalists at Winceby, and on 
October 20 Manchester took possession of Lincoln. 
The Royalist army fell back into the heart of Yorkshire, 
leaving the seaport of Hull to the Parliamentarians, 
who were able to push their outposts almost to the 
walls of York. 

Had the operations in Lincolnshire been less suc- 
cessful, Mountagu would have seen his first engage- 
ment in that county. His regiment marched to join 
Manchester's army early in November. But the 
county was by then secure, and Manchester turned 
southwards in order to recruit his forces. During 
the winter his army rested for some six weeks 
within reach of their homes, and Mountagu and his 
regiment found themselves quartered at Bedford. 1 
Meanwhile, since no action was impending, he paid a 

1 Carte MSS., 74, f. 159. 


brief visit to London. All his family were talking over 
the quarrel between Lord Manchester and Lord Wil- 
loughby of Parham, which turned upon Willoughby's 
incompetence as a general. Manchester and Crom- 
well were for depriving him of his command, and 
Parliament was hard put to it to compose matters. 
Willoughby challenged the Earl, for which he was 
committed to Black Rod. While the affair was still 
under discussion, Manchester set out from London, 
and Mountagu accompanied him. 1 The Earl's business 
was to purge the University of Cambridge. The 
colleges were " so many little garrisons for the King," 
and the people's souls were starved by idle, ill-affected, 
and scandalous clergy. 2 He was given power to 
eject the unfit, sequestrate their estates and revenues, 
and impose the Covenant upon them. But before 
Mountagu could see the end of this experiment in Puri- 
tan government he was recalled to his regiment, and 
for the next three years saw but little of civil life, 
and much of civil war. 

His first engagement was at the storm of Hillesden 
House, one of the belt of outposts which girded the 
district round Oxford, the King's headquarters. This 
nest of Royalists was situated near the road from 
London to the North, and the garrison was a menace 
to the Roundhead quarters at Newport Pagnell, and to 
the Eastern Association. 3 The house was not strongly 
fortified, but great efforts were made to hold it. For 
some weeks the garrison had terrorized the neighbours, 
burned their barns, and plundered their cattle. 4 On 

1 Carte MSS., 74, f. 392 : Lady Pickering to Sir Sydney Mountagu ; 
Gardiner, Civil War, i. 304 ; Masson, The Quarrel between Manchester 
and Cromwell, xvi. 

2 Neal, History oj the Puritans, iii. 86. 

3 Gardiner, Civil War, i. 311. 

4 Brit. Mus. : Egerton MSS., 785, ff. 123-128. These are probably copies 
from the Verney MSS. See the Verney Memoirs, ii. 192. 


Sunday, March 3, Lieutenant-General Crawford led a 
force against the place. Cromwell and his horse were 
there, and some of Manchester's foot, among them the 
regiments of Colonel Mountagu and his friend, Colonel 
Pickering. 1 The surrender of Hillesden House was 
demanded and refused. Within forty-eight hours the 
place was captured. 

The short, sharp onslaught has been described by an 
eyewitness. " The Major-General ordered the foot to 
fall on in four parts, which was done with that brave 
resolution that I never saw anything better performed. 
In less than a quarter of an hour's time they made 
themselves masters of the works and house, with the 
loss of not above six men, besides what were hurt on 
our side, and above thirty of theirs." 2 The defenders 
were overwhelmed. " For the life of me," said their 
colonel, " I could not make our soldiers stand to the 
works." He endeavoured to rally them, but without 
success, and in a few hours all was over. The men 
laid down their arms and were made prisoners. 
Hillesden House was plundered and burned to the 
ground, and the works were demolished. Mountagu 
and his men gained their first experience of warfare 
in an attack which ended in victory. 

After the storm of Hillesden House, Mountagu's 
regiment, with some of Crawford's brigade, returned 
to Newport Pagnell, and remained in garrison there 
until Easter eve. The regiment was then recalled to 
the north, for Lincoln was once more in Royalist 
hands. With a characteristic dash across England 
Rupert had taken Newark, Lincoln, Sleaford, and 
Crowland from the Roundheads. His success was all 

1 John Pickering was a younger brother of Sir Gilbert, who married 
Mountagu's sister. 

3 Sir Samuel Luke (Appendix B of Sanford's Studies of the Great 


the more important since the Scots had entered 
England to help the Parliament, and were marching- 
south in order to join Ferdinando, Lord Fairfax. For 
a time Rupert drove a wedge between the Roundhead 
and the Scottish armies. But when he was recalled to 
the south, the garrisons he left behind were insuffi- 
cient, and served merely to deplete his regiments. In 
a few weeks Fairfax cleared the West Riding of York- 
shire, made his junction with the Scots, and drove the 
Royalists into the city of York. 

When the spring campaign began, Manchester was 
told off to join Fairfax. But first he was bidden to 
secure his communications by regaining Lincoln. He 
collected his regiments one by one. Mountagu's men 
left their garrison duty at Newport Pagnell on April 20. 
Two days later they came up with the main body and 
the artillery at Huntingdon, and in another week the 
whole force was outside Lincoln. The task which lay 
before them was strenuous enough, for they had to 
attack a city which owed much of its peculiar beauty 
and its imposing appearance to its inaccessibility. 
Manchester directed operations from the little village 
of Canwick, which was separated from Lincoln by a 
narrow dip. From his headquarters upon a hill-brow 
he surveyed the city. Few towns could show such a 
union of beauty and strength. The houses clustered 
upon the sides of a steep declivity, and Cathedral 
and Castle towered above them. An attack presented 
many difficulties. The Cathedral Close was surrounded 
by a high wall ; the wall was embattled, and the gates 
and fortifications had that massive strength which 
belonged to feudal times. Before this inner city could 
be reached there was work to do, for a ring of Royalist 
outworks, at the foot of the hill, had been hastily 
thrown up as a first line of defence. 


On May 3 Manchester determined to clear these, 
and to capture the city "below hill." First, in the 
fashion of the time, he sent a Trumpet to the 
defenders, "with a fair demand of the place. . . . 
whereunto a very uncivill answer was returned." 
He then detailed two regiments of foot, Russell's and 
Mountagu's, to attack the first line of outworks. This 
was done " with good allacrity and resolution, being 
led on by those two valiant and religious Colonels, 
who, through the might of God, so undauntedly 
approached the Enemy that after a very short dispute, 
terror seized upon their spirits, and our men seized 
upon their works." The lower part of the town was 
gained, and that without the loss of a man. The 
enemy, while retreating, endeavoured to set the 
houses on fire; but Mountagu and Russell pursued 
them up the Strait and up Steep Hill, drove them 
into the town, and set their own men to beat out 
the flames. 

When the lower city was swept clear by the 
Roundheads, the defenders retreated within the walls 
of the Castle and the Close, which they conceived to 
be impregnable. On the night of Saturday, May 4, 
Manchester resolved to storm their position, and drew 
up his foot in readiness. But ceaseless rain hindered 
the attempt ; the ground was so slippery that no one 
could get a foothold, " the Mount whereon the Castle 
stood being nere as steep as the eaves of a house." 
On the next day came a report that five or six thousand 
Royalists were advancing to relieve the place. At 
first Manchester resolved on instant action, prepared 
his scaling-ladders, and drew out the foot ready to set 
on. " But second and better thoughts," says a writer, 
" stayed us till the next morning." It was ascertained 
that the Royalists were too far away to create alarm, 


and Cromwell, with 2,000 horse, was detached to keep 
them at bay. Once again Manchester withdrew his 
foot, " which the Enemy perceiving, it caused them to 
insult, houping and hollowing against us, thinking we 
were afraid to set upon them ; but the next morning," 
says the chronicler, "they sang another note in 
another tune." 

Before dawn on May 6 the final assault was made. 
The foot regiments lay upon the several sides of the 
hill, in the works which they had already captured. 
Between two and three in the morning the signal was 
given by the firing of the greater guns " six pieces 
together let fly." Again Mountagu and his regiment 
were in the party which first attacked. The enemy 
were on the alert, and met them with all their shot, 
11 which they powred out like haile." But resistance 
failed ; in less than a quarter of an hour the Round- 
heads dashed up the hill and reached the very walls 
of the Close. Then scaling-ladders were set up, and 
the fight began in earnest The defenders used pikes 
to push back the assailants, fired pistols and carbines 
in their faces, seized the ladders, and threw down 
great stones, " by which we received more hurt than 
by all their shot." 

But the Roundheads contrived to clamber up the 
walls, and when the ladders were too short the men 
mounted on each other's shoulders. They dragged 
up their companions, until the defenders thought 
them mad to come on in so desperate a fashion. 
Their dash demoralized the Cavaliers, and as soon as 
a few of the garrison were killed the remainder began 
to cry out for quarter. Within an hour the Close 
surrendered. The Governor of the Castle and the 
commanders were taken prisoners. The pillage of 
the upper town was given to the soldiers ; according 


to the Parliament Scout, some of the men got 100, 
some 150, for their share. 1 

The capture of Lincoln was a triumph for Mountagu 
and his men, and the parliamentary journals praised 
the young Colonel's work. 

" We would have men that do bravely lose no 
honour," they wrote. " Colonel Russell and Colonel 
Mountagu, of whose affection to the Cause, freenesse 
from self ends, hatred of covetousnesse, we have had 
sufficient testimony, and now lastly of their valour, 
who led up their men, and fought bravely in their 
own persons, one of which gave a Colonell of the 
other side severall wounds." 2 

This incident occurred during the attack upon the 
lower town, and again during the main assault 
Mountagu's regiment was well to the fore and well 

" The Colonels and other superior officers were in 
the face of all the dangers, performing equall service 
with the meanest souldier (who undoubtedly received 
much life and courage from the undaunted resolution 
and forwardness of their commanders)." 3 

Of the two officers killed, one, Lieutenant Saunders, 
was in Mountagu's regiment. 4 The Parliament lost 
about forty men in all, mostly at the hand-to-hand 
fight upon the ladders. The Royalists suffered greatly ; 
they lost all their ordnance, horse, and ammunition, 
and many were taken prisoners. In London the 
victory was hailed with great joy, and was looked 

1 Thomason Tracts, .47; A True Relation, etc., 1644; A Particular 
Relation, etc. See also Rush worth, Historical Collections, vol. iii., part ii., 
p. 620. 

2 The Parliament Scout, E. 47, No. 26. The accounts given in such 
papers were, of course, partial on some points, and Cromwell used the press 
for his own purposes. But in regard to the actual course of a battle the 
journals were fairly accurate. 

3 A Particular Relation, E. 47. 

4 His name appeared in the Muster Rolls of May, 1644, but not in those of 

VOL. I. * 


upon as an encouragement for the future.* Parliament 
was in need of a success, and in gaining it Mountagu's 
regiment played no mean part ; their young Colonel 
won his spurs, and justified his selection as a leader 
of men. 

Once Lincoln was safe, Manchester prepared for the 
march to York. After a day of solemn thanksgiving, 
the regiments set out for the north. The foot left 
Lincoln on May 8, and marched thence through 
Torksey to Gainsborough. A bridge of boats took 
them across the Trent. 2 On May 21 they were close 
to Doncaster, and rested for a while. There was much 
to discourage the men. The army was short of money, 
and "for want of present pay, tickets were given to 
them who were charged with the soldiers." Rain was 
continuous and drenched them to the skir rest 

of their march was but a slow affair. The . -re 

almost impassable ; but the twenty miles Ix 
Doncaster and Selby were done in two days, and c 
regiments reached Wistow. There Manchester joined 
them, and made Selby his headquarters. He was then 
some fourteen miles south of York. On June i 
Mountagu's regiment was among those which set out 
to facilitate the final march of the main force, and 
enabled Manchester to advance with his whole body 
of foot and artillery two days later. The weather was 
still lowering, the roads " tedious and tiring," and the 
General had to encourage his soldiers by dismounting 
and marching with them. 3 At length, "considering 
divers diversions by waters and deepe waies," the 
eighty miles from Lincoln were covered, and the army 
halted outside the walls of York. 

1 Thoinason Tract. 

2 The Continuation of True Intelligence > E. 50, No. 33. 

3 A Particular Relation of Remarkable Occurrences; Thomason Tract ^ 
E. 51, No. 3. 


The siege of the city had then been in progress for 
about six weeks. This, the last great Royalist strong- 
hold in the north, was held by William Cavendish, 
Marquess of Newcastle. Since April 20 he had been 
surrounded by the small contingent of northerners 
whom Fairfax led, and the army of the Scots 2,000 
horse and 14,000 foot under the Earl of Leven. 
During the whole of May the besiegers expected the 
city to surrender; for it was said that the garrison 
lacked provisions. " They get a mutchkin of beans, 
an ounce of butter, and a penny loaf every one of 
them per diem," wrote a soldier in Leven's army, 
" and there is an ordinance that every one within the 
city of York shall have but one meal per diem." 1 
There were reports of mutiny in the city, and great 
heart-burnings and divisions ; the Roundheads declared 
that God had made Ammon to fight against Moab. 2 
But the garrison was neither divided nor despondent, 
and gave no sign of submission. 

As time wore on the besiegers grew anxious, and 
it was in response to a call for aid from Fairfax that 
Manchester came up with his men to join in the siege. 3 
His arrival was the signal for a series of attacks and 
sallies ; " every day," says Rushworth, " produced 
some notable action." Manchester's forces, about 
6,000 foot and 1,000 horse, were quartered outside 
Bootham Bar, to the north of the city, within cannon- 
shot of the Minster. Fairfax was on the east, while 
Leven watched the southern and western gates. 
Batteries were raised by the various besiegers in 
face of the defender's forts. On June 6 a general 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Eglinton MSS., p. 54. See also E. 47, No. 19. 

2 The Parliament Scout, E. 50, No. 3. 

3 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Fairfax to the Committee (Report VIII. , part ii., 
p. 60). 


assault was ordered, and the suburbs were stormed in 
four several places. Manchester's foot, fresh from their 
work at Lincoln, attacked the Manor-house. Though 
the attack failed, they gained a position which brought 
them right up to the walls, where some ordnance 
could be planted within forty yards of the city. In 
return a sally was made by the defenders, and Man- 
chester's foot was hotly engaged, but repelled the 
enemy. The Roundheads obtained good positions 
outside every gate, and forced the Royalists from the 
shelter of the suburbs. 1 Then, covered by their 
artillery, the miners began work. For several days, 
while the fortifications were gradually undermined, 
the regiments had a rest from action. This enabled 
young colonels, such as Mountagu and Pickering, 
soldiers of a few months, to watch a new phase of 
warfare, and to complete their education. 

During these days of preparation the stress of the 
siege was broken by an attempt to treat. On June 13 
Newcastle offered to surrender. But he asked that 
the whole garrison should have leave to march away, 
taking all their ordnance, arms, and ammunition, 
money and plate, with drums beating, colours flying, 
and matches alight. Little wonder, said the Parlia- 
mentarians, that their organ pipes and anthems went 
for consecrating such a treaty. Manchester and the 
Scots had no lenience towards people who used the 
Common Prayer, organs and copes, surplices, hoods 
and crosses ; they refused to treat on such terms, 
11 for there is a sweet harmonious union between them, 
firmly knit by brotherly covenant, as brethren of one 
Kingdome, defenders of one truth, and members of 
one body, Christ Jesus being the head." 2 All that 

1 The Kingdome 's Weekly Intelligencer, E. 50, No. 26. 

2 The Scottish Dove, June 14-21, E. 52, No. 5. 


Manchester, Fairfax and Leven offered was liberty 
to the soldiers to go home, under a pledge to lay 
down their arms. Newcastle refused such conditions ; 
persons of honour, said he, could never condescend to 
them. And since the story was current among the 
Roundheads that the rejection was coupled with 
" many bloudy oaths and fearful execrations, desiring 
that God's vengeance might be upon the defenders, if 
ever they gave up the town upon such conditions," the 
siege was resumed with still greater zeal. 1 

The soldiers, indeed, welcomed the failure of 
negotiations ; the hostilities round York were con- 
ducted with more bitterness than was usual in the 
Civil War, especially, it was said, upon the part of the 
Scots ; but all the armies had many hard knocks to 
avenge, and looked forward to considerable gain from 
the storming of the city. 2 The success at Lincoln 
had whetted their appetite for plunder. On June 16 
hostilities were again commenced. Fires flaring from 
the Cathedral were answered from Pomfret Castle. 
The flames were signals of relief, and as the news 
reached York that Rupert was approaching, besieger 
and besieged fought with additional keenness. The 
city sent out messengers to hasten Rupert's coming ; 
of nine men, bravely mounted, six were taken, one 
was slain, but two galloped off with their message. 3 
The attacks were then redoubled. Crawford, Man- 
chester's Major-General, eager to gain credit, ordered 
a mine to be fired, without warning Fairfax or the 
Scots. He blew up St. Mary's Tower, and as the 
stones came crashing down, a hot morning's work 
began in the breaches. Mountagu's regiment was 

1 A Continuation of True Intelligence, .51, No. 19. 

2 For the severity of the Scottish forces, see The Kingdom c's Weekly Intelli- 
gencer, E. 50, No. 26, and Mercurius Britannicus, E. 52, No. 8. 

3 The Kingdoms' s Weekly Intelligencer, .51, No. 10. 


in the storming-party ; they scaled the walls, and 
obtained possession of the Manor-house. 1 But the 
defenders, who were at cathedral for it was the 
morning of Trinity Sunday collected their forces, 
rushed on the invaders, and, in the bowling-green, 
orchard, and garden of the Manor, a smart skirmish 
ensued. The breach which the explosion had caused 
blocked up the only way of retreat, and Manchester's 
foot lost many soldiers : fifteen were killed, sixty 
wounded, and about a hundred men were made 
prisoners. 2 After this event a fortnight's quiet 
followed, broken only once, when, on June 24, six 
hundred of the defenders sallied out and furiously 
attacked Manchester's leaguer, but were driven back 
with considerable loss. 8 

At length came news which caused the siege to be 
abandoned, for the scouts reported that Rupert was 
within a day's march. He had dashed from Shrews- 
bury into Lancashire, relieved Lathom House and its 
gallant lady from the " insolent rebels," joined Goring 
and his 5,000 horse, and plundered Liverpool. He 
then entered Yorkshire, and devastated the country 
as he came along. On the last day of June the Parlia- 
mentary generals knew that he had advanced to 
Knaresborough, only twelve miles westward of their 
camp. They were in danger of being caught between 
Rupert's forces and Newcastle's army, which still kept 
the King's flag afloat upon the towers of York. 

When the Roundheads were certain of Rupert's 
position, they raised the siege and marched north- 

1 Carte MSS., 74, f. 159 : Journal of the Regiment. 

2 The accounts of the number slain and taken varies considerably. Slingsby 
in his Diary puts it at two hundred, and so does one of the Parliamentary 

3 Rush worth, v. 631. For the plans of the city and certain details of the 
siege, see Drake, Eboracum (1736). 



From a portrait by Van Dyck 

To face p. 38 of Vol. I 

i6 44 ] THE SIEGE RAISED 39 

wards to meet him, in order to prevent a junction with 
Newcastle. But they were outwitted. Rupert swept 
round the Parliamentary forces, drove back the men 
who guarded the Ouse, and summoned Newcastle 
from the city. This successful move upon the part 
of the Royalists struck the Roundhead generals with 
dismay. They conceived a plan for falling back to the 
defence of the eastern counties, but Rupert kept in 
touch with them, harassed their rear-guard, and made 
them stand. On the afternoon of July 2 the two 
armies were face to face upon Marston Moor, not far 
from a spot which Mother Shipton had prophesied 
would be the scene of a great battle. 1 

An engagement was then unavoidable. Both sides 
looked upon the fight " as the losing or gaining the 
garland." On the one side there was "the cream of 
all the Papists"; on the other, "such that had the 
greatest antipathy to Popery and Tyrrany." 2 Charles 
had warned Rupert that the north must be won ; the 
Roundheads had determined upon the capture of 
York. Since both sides had so much at stake, the 
approaching struggle promised to be the turning- 
point of the campaign. 

The rival armies occupied a position between the 
villages of Tockwith and Long Marston. The 
Royalists, 18,000 at the most, lay in a line two miles 
long, facing southward ; Rupert and his cavalry were 
upon the right wing, Newcastle had the centre, and 
Goring was on the left. Behind them, Marston Moor 
afforded good ground for manoeuvring; the hedges 
and lanes which protected their flanks were lined 
with musketeers ; in front of them ran a ditch. Just 
across the ditch lay their opponents, 26,000 in all. 

1 The Kingdome's Weekly Intelligencer ; E. 54, No. 9. 

2 A True Relation of the Late Fight, E. 54, No. 7. 


To the east was the right wing, commanded by Sir 
Thomas Fairfax, and consisting of cavalry ; in the 
centre was the infantry, the Scots, Fairfax's foot, and 
some of Manchester's foot ; facing Rupert lay Man- 
chester's cavalry under the command of Cromwell ; 
with them was the Scottish horse under David Leslie, 
and some dragoons were upon the extreme left. Close 
to Cromwell, but forming part of the centre, was 
Crawford's brigade, in which were Mountagu, Russell, 
and Pickering, with their regiments. The line extended 
for a mile and a half, rather less in length than that of 
the Royalists. The battalions were placed at regular 
intervals among large fields of rye ; hedges and ditches 
and cornfields were on each side, and stretched behind 
them up a gentle slope, from which the Roundheads 
"might clearly view the Prince's army." 

Though both sides knew that an engagement was 
at hand, the Royalist generals looked for it on tie 
morrow. A small exchange of harmless cannon-shot 
took place, and evening came without a general action. 
Both armies gave signs of settling for the night, and 
the Parliament forces fell to singing psalms. 1 This 
was an evening signal that all was quiet, and the 
Royalists finally put away all idea of a battle. " We 
will charge them to-morrow morning," said Rupert. 
Newcastle asked him whether he were sure the enemy 
would not fall upon them sooner. He answered, " No." 
The Marquess then left his men, retired to his coach, 
and lit a pipe. 2 Rupert sat down to supper, "at a 
pretty distance from his troops, and many of the horse- 
men were dismounted, and laid on the ground." 8 
But suddenly their rest was broken by a stir among 

1 Slingsby, Diary, p. 112. 

2 Clarendon, Rebellion. Macray's edition, iii. 376. 

8 Cholmley's narration. See English Historical Review, v. 347. 

i6 44 ] MARSTON MOOR 41 

the Roundheads. In the evening sunlight, soft and 
still after a day of showers, the Parliament's colours 
were unfurled, and the cry " God with us !" rang from 
a thousand throats. Their white kerchiefs in their 
hats, the Roundheads moved down the hill, " like unto 
so many thick clouds," trampling down the rye as they 
advanced. 1 

It was Manchester's army which made the first great 
onslaught, and thus Mountagu and his regiment were 
immediately in the thick of the fight. The infantry 
was hurled against Newcastle's men, and against 
Rupert's bravest foot. The Royalists had taken up a 
position far too near the Parliament's force. " In a 
moment," says a Roundhead, "we were passed the 
ditch on to the Moor, upon equall grounds with the 
enemy, our men going into a running march." Crom- 
well's cavalry meanwhile " had a hard pull of it, for 
they were charged by Rupert's bravest men both in 
front and flank." But cavalry and infantry pressed on, 
" dispersing the enemy's foot almost as fast as they 
charged them." They cut down man after man, and 
carried the whole field before them, until it looked as 
though the victory was wholly theirs, " and nothing to 
be done but to kill and take prisoners." 2 In this first 
pass, the shock was terrific; the meeting "made such 
a noise with shot and clamour of shouts that we lost 
our eares ; and the smoke of powder was so thick that 
we saw no light but what proceeded from the mouth of 
gunnes." 3 There was a great duel between Cromwell 
and Rupert. At the first alarm the Prince mounted, 
and rallied his surprised and wavering men. 
" 'Swounds," he cried out, " do you run ; follow me." 4 

1 Simeon Ash, A Continuation of True Intelligence, E. 2, No. I. 

2 A More Exact Relation, E. 2, No. 14. This pamphlet, by Scoutmaster 
Lionel Watson, gives the best description of the work of Manchester's army. 

3 Account by an Officer, E. 54, No. n. 

4 Cholmley's narrative, already cited. 


He and Cromwell met ; the Parliamentarians wavered 
for an instant, rallied as quickly, and by their dash and 
brilliance earned for themselves the name of " Iron- 
sides." They were well supported by the foot: 
" What should I name the brigade of Colonel Russell, 
Colonel Mountagu, and Colonel Pickering, who stood 
as a wall of Brasse," says an eyewitness, " and let fly 
small shot like Haile upon the enemy, and not a man 
of their whole brigade slain 7" 1 

The men from the eastern counties had indeed done 
grandly. But when their leaders, Crawford and 
Cromwell, the latter slightly wounded, paused to 
inquire how the battle went, they found the centre 
and right wing in a pitiable state. Their order and 
position were lost ; the horse, under Thomas Fairfax, 
was scattered, and the infantry was hard-pressed. 
The centre was broken ; their craven generals had 
fled; and Goring and his cavalry were chasing the 
Parliamentary fugitives towards York, or Leeds, or 
Hull. Other Royalists had outflanked their opponents, 
had driven them from the cornfields, and were then 
among the carriages and ordnance of the Roundheads, 
seeking for plunder. Some of the Scottish regiments, 
particularly Maitland's and Lindsay's, held their 
ground; and with firm ranks they opposed a solid 
wall of pikes to the enemy. 

To their rescue came Cromwell and Leslie with 
the cavalry, and Crawford with his brigade of foot. 
For the second time Mountagu and his men found 
themselves in the thick of the fight. The Royalist 
cavalry left pursuit and plunder, and gathered to 
meet them. The whole position was reversed ; the 
Parliament's left wing had wheeled about and faced 
the remnants of their own camp. From this new 

1 A True Relation of the Late Fight, E. 54, Nos. 7 and 20. 

1644] YORK TAKEN 43 

stand they waged the decisive struggle, which turned 
the fortunes of the battle, in the gathering twilight, 
amid the trampled corn, a terrific contest took place. 
Cavalry and infantry alike were victorious; it was 
hard, said a writer, to say which did the best. But 
it was Cromwell who won the day ; he put the 
Royalist horse to flight, and then helped Crawford 
to sweep down their infantry in one great and de- 
ciding movement. 1 

By nine o'clock the battle was over and the Cava- 
liers were in full flight. The Parliament's success 
was overwhelming. "The cloud that hath so much 
obscured the north is now dissipated," said the 
journals. "The plundering Prince with his Irish 
Rebels, Papists, and other desperate Ruffians, were 
totally routed and defeated." 2 The Royalists had 
lost heavily, both by death and capture; the whole 
of their baggage was gone, carriages and ordnance, 
coin and ammunition, and colours "enough to make 
surplices for all the Cathedrals in England were they 
white." The garland had been won by the Parliament, 
and no part of the army earned greater credit than 
Manchester's men, who had plucked a victory out of 
the enemy's hands. The General of the Scots com- 
mended them highly, and " professed Europe had no 
better souldiers." 3 

When the Royalists were dispersed, the Roundhead 
army marched back to York and resumed the siege. 
After a day's rest in the outlying villages, the city 

1 In addition to the contemporary authorities, the writer is indebted chiefly 
to Professor Firth's comments upon the battle in the Transactions of the Royal 
Historical Society, New Series, vol. xii. Other modern accounts are in 
Sanford's Studies of the Rebellion and Sir Clements Markham's Life o f the 
Great Lord Fairfax. 

2 Mercurius Britannicus, E. 54, No. 6. 

3 A More Exact Relation, E. 2, No. 14. 


was again invested. But the conditions had changed : 
Newcastle was upon the water, Rupert had hastened 
away northwards to recruit his force, and the defence 
of the city was left to a mere handful of Royalists. 
Even then it held out for some days. But when the 
besieged saw the approaches laid up to the very walls, 
and the ladders prepared for an assault, they hoisted 
a flag of truce and desired a parley. On July 15 
articles of surrender were drawn up, and Colonel 
Mountagu, as a reward for his bravery at Lincoln 
and Marston Moor, had the honour of representing 
Manchester. The terms of surrender were not unduly 
harsh. The city was yielded, with all its ammuni- 
tion; the Governor, the officers and soldiers of the 
garrison, and their wives and servants, were allowed 
to march out with the honours of war. When the 
victors had taken possession of the city, they divided : 
Fairfax remained in Yorkshire, the Scots marched to 
reduce Newcastle, Manchester retired into Lincoln- 
shire to secure the eastern counties and to recruit his 
army from his own Association. 1 

The downfall of York was followed by a brief lull, 
during which young Edward Mountagu could take 
stock of his life during the last six months. He had 
cause for satisfaction. He had served his apprentice- 
ship to the profession of arms, and had done so with 
credit to himself and his men. Lincoln and Marston 
Moor were names worthy to be woven upon the 
banner of his regiment. But he was now to gain a 
deeper understanding of the whole situation, and 
there came a series of events which had the most 
profound effect upon his life. The two men whose 
influence had dominated him were drifting slowly 
apart ; their ideals differed, their aims divided them ; 

1 Rush worth, v. 638-641. 


the quarrel between Manchester and Cromwell over- 
shadowed the importance of the campaign. The 
question was religious as well as military. The 
Scots were fighting, not only for the defeat of the 
King, but for the establishment of Presbyterianism 
in England. Manchester inclined towards their re- 
ligion, whereas Cromwell wanted toleration for all, 
whether Anabaptists, Brownists, Socinians, Seekers, 
or sectaries of any denomination. 

For months this quarrel had been simmering in the 
camp. The Parliamentary papers watched the widen- 
ing rift with anxious eyes, and were at pains to 
emphasize the profound agreement of the armies. 1 
The pamphlets were eagerly read by the soldiers, 
and afforded material for disputations round the camp 
fire. While the siege of York was in progress, one 
journal told how the Independents were angered at 
the vicious methods of their Scottish allies. As a 
rule the war was conducted with a certain amount 
of humanity, and quarter was freely given. But the 
Scots ignored this, and incensed the Englishmen by 
their refusal to show any mercy. 2 Few of the pam- 
phlets had the courage to comment on this difference ; 
most of them attempted to allay all feeling between 
Independent and Presbyterian. "They act their 
parts so evenly," said a journal, "we know not how 
to deal out more Laurell to one than the other. . . . 
Let us not call them Scots, but Brethren, according to 
the Covenant, and fix some name of love or honour 
upon them." 3 

Despite attempts to keep both armies at peace, the 
differences over religion contained all the seeds of 

1 See The Kingdom^ s Weekly Intelligencer, E. 47, No. 19. 

2 Ibid., E. 50, No. 26. 

3 Mercurius Britannicus, June 10-17, E. 51, No. 8. 


bitterness. And a question even more important 
was that of the conduct of the war, over which 
Manchester and his colleague were in hopeless dis- 
agreement. The idea that any compromise with 
Charles was possible, had become incredible to 
Cromwell. He was of a party which believed that 
no settlement, satisfactory to the Puritans, was attain- 
able so long as Charles was on the throne. If 
deposition was too extreme, there was the remedy 
of a successful war, and Cromwell had no hope of 
lasting peace until the King was beaten to his knees. 
Cromwell's aim was to conclude the war in a decisive 
fashion ; Manchester hoped to ease the distractions of 
the country by some method of compromise. When 
Marston Moor was won and York had fallen, there 
was one man at least who looked askance upon 
success, and that was the General of the Eastern 
Association. The triumphant words of Cromwell, 
"God made them as stubble to our swords," found 
no echo in Manchester's mind. That " sweet, meek 
man " was a victor who dared not pluck the fruits 
of victory. 

The diffidence of Manchester was patent to the 
Independent Colonels. To a man like Mountagu, full 
of a stubborn enthusiasm, the policy of energy, and the 
fight for freedom, made a strong appeal. He and his 
companions, such as Pickering and Hammond, sup- 
ported the sterner course. They were pledged to 
great ends, and knit together as comrades. Their 
regiments had dashed shoulder to shoulder up to the 
walls of Lincoln, and had charged side by side at 
Marston Moor. They had endured much the impass- 
able seventeenth-century road, the sounds of groaning 
from the wounded, and the sight of their sick comrades 
jolted along in carts, the want of " decent water," the 


lack of shelter; and, mindful of these hardships, the 
young bloods of the Eastern Association were in no 
mood for compromise. They turned to Cromwell. 
His word and his courage were to them the best pre- 
cept and example. From the time of Marston Moor a 
group of these young colonels became his devoted 
adherents, and all other influences over them were 
steadily put aside. 

The first signs of open discontent were seen when 
Manchester began his march towards the eastern 
counties. Round about him were numerous Royalist 
garrisons, and the Independent Colonels were eager 
that these should be reduced. The General was luke- 
warm, and showed little enthusiasm, but his officers 
thrust conquest upon him. When the army reached 
Doncaster, John Lilburne, a decided Cromwellian, and 
his men, were quartered at Tickhill, some four miles 
from the town. Tickhill Castle contained a small 
Royalist garrison. Lilburne knew that the defenders 
faltered, and begged leave to summon the place in 
Manchester's name. The General refused; Tickhill, 
he said, was only a little hole, and he valued ten men 
more than the castle. 1 But Lilburne disobeyed him, 
and the place was yielded ; so my Lord threatened to 
hang him for his pains. 2 Welbeck was another strong- 
hold given up to Manchester, but without any exertion 
-n his part. His colonels then clamoured that Sheffield 
L ould be taken, and on August i Manchester 
dec -hed Major-General Crawford, and with him the 
regin. ^nts of Mountagu and Pickering ; but even this 
service to the cause was unwillingly done. 3 The 
colonels thought that the whole force should have been 

1 Cat, S. P., Dom., November 25, 1644: Lilburne's deposition, in the 
charges against Manchester. 

" Ibid., same date : Pickering's deposition. 

3 Ibid.> November 25 : Depositions of Hammond and Ireton. 


employed, yet only about a thousand foot soldiers 
were sent, and a single regiment of horse. 1 And 
when the men had overcome the bad roads, rocky and 
inaccessible, " where the ordnance was ever likely to 
be overturned," there was no encouragement for them. 
The orders from Manchester consisted, in the main, of 
continued appeals that his men should not be endan- 
gered. 2 But the expedition prospered, and Sheffield 
was successfully invested. The siege lasted until 
August 10, " in which tyme wee made 468 greate shott 
against the castle." At length the place was yielded. 3 
Four days later Bolsover Castle was taken, and this 
success was followed, in a week's time, by the sur- 
render of Wingfield Manor. Little fighting was 
needed, and the garrisons were allowed to march out 
with the honours of war. 

After this series of successes, Crawford's brigade 
marched into Lincolnshire, and on September 3 
rejoined the main army. Manchester had been in 
Lincoln for some days, in correspondence with the 
Committee for Both Kingdoms the body in charge of 
the war. At first the Committee urged upon him 
" wholly to break " Rupert's army. But sickness 
among his men, and the lack of regular pay, deterred 
Manchester. His colonels advised him not to move 
until his base in the eastern counties was made 
secure. He was indifferent, ignored their advice, and 

1 A Journal of . . . Crawford's Regiments, E. 8, No. 4. 2 Ibid. 

3 Carte MSS., 74, f. 159. Though the extract is taken from the journal, 
it is most probable that Edward Mountagu was not with his regiment at this 
particular time. A colonel was liable to be detached on special service. The 
Commissioners to whom Sheffield was yielded were Pickering and Lieutenant- 
Colonel Grime, who was Mountagu's second in command. It is unlikely 
that Grime would have been joined with Pickering had Mountagu been 
present. In Mountagu's deposition (see p. 51) he makes little mention of 
the expedition. At this time Sir Sydney Mountagu was very ill, and died a 
few weeks later. It is probable that his son left the army in order to visit him. 


remained passive. He would neither block up Newark 
as they wished, nor embark on any great design. 
Murmurs were frequent. Manchester's friends after- 
wards declared that the army was barely kept from a 
mutiny, and instanced Pickering's and Mountagu's regi- 
ments as the most refractory. 1 It was stated that near 
Sheffield or Bolsover, they had refused to obey Craw- 
ford, who was a Presbyterian. If this be so, it is 
evident that the colonels were dissatisfied with the 
dilatory messages which reached them ; for they were 
continually straining at the leash, and were in no 
mood for indecision. The discontent was widespread, 
and it was with an uneasy mind that Manchester 
brought his army to Huntingdon. He came there on 
September 8, and proposed to remain until he had 
recruited more men and could obtain some money. 2 

While the army was about Huntingdon, there came 
to them bad news from the west. The Parliamentary 
force had suffered a rude check. The Earl of Essex 
had been hard pressed by the King. Essex himself 
fled, and his men were compelled to lay down their 
arms. The disaster took place at Lostwithiel, on 
September i. Coupled with the inaction of Manchester 
this blow was an indication that the Roundhead 
organization in the South of England had broken down. 3 
The Committee, for remedy, had looked to a junction 
of Essex, Waller, and the Western forces, with Man- 
chester's army. United they could have prevented 
the King's advance into Berkshire, where he proposed 
to keep in touch with his ring of garrisons. 4 When 
the news of Lostwithiel came to the camp, the Inde- 

1 Masson, The Qttarrel bet-ween Manchester and Cromwell, p. 61. For a 
discussion of Manchester's attitude, see also A. Kingston, East Anglia and the 
Great Civil War, pp. 172, 173. 

2 Cal. S. P., Dom., September 5. Gardiner, ii. 44. 
4 Gardiner, ii. 19. 

VOL. I. 4 


pendents were said to have rejoiced, as though the 
time for keenness had come. The Cromwell faction 
hoped that Manchester would at last be aroused from 
his lethargy. Instead of this there began a lengthy 
correspondence. Manchester was hard to move. At 
length the Committee ordered him to join Waller, and 
to attempt to intercept the King. After much march- 
ing, first into Hertfordshire, Middlesex, Hampshire, 
and Berkshire, a junction was effected. Little wonder 
that affairs looked slow to the more ardent. Even 
the journals could not disguise the canker. "Our 
division is the enemy's joy," said the Parliament Scout, 
and the paper was at the greatest pains to deny a 
rumour that Cromwell and the other Independent 
Colonels were on the point of laying down their 
commissions. 1 

But in less than a month the quarrel came to a 
head. The Parliamentary forces Manchester, Waller, 
and the City brigades joined at Basingstoke on 
October 22. Five days later they met the King's 
forces at Newbury, and a sharp engagement took 
place. Owing to Manchester's hesitation, the attack 
did not commence until the evening, and such success 
as there was could not be thrust home. In the night 
the King and his army stole away. Manchester refused 
to pursue him, and adopted an irresolute attitude. 
True, the command was not entirely his, for Parlia- 
ment had ordered it to be put in commission. But at 
the councils of war, where opinions were divided, a 
lead was wanted, and the Earl had none to give. On 
November 9 his men saw Donnington Castle relieved 
under their very eyes. 2 They were kept marching and 

1 The Parliament Scout, October 3, 1644, E. 12, No. 12, and E. 21, No. 8. 
This was a real threat (Baillie, Letters, ii. 230). 
- Carte MSS., 74, f. 159. 


counter-marching, and no further engagement was 
brought about. Their losses were few, but the sense 
of wasted endeavour was enormously increased. 

The campaign round Newbury throws no light on 
Mountagu's military career. His regiment was engaged 
throughout the time, but no special mention of it is 
made in accounts of the battle. 1 But in his life the 
campaign made a definite landmark : the Manchester 
influence was entirely thrown aside, and Cromwell 
was enthroned. No sooner was Newbury fought than 
serious accusations were brought against Manchester, 
and the heads of the quarrel were discussed in Parlia- 
ment. The Earl's conduct, from the storming of 
Lincoln to the battle of Newbury, was passed in 
review, and the officers of his army were called upon 
to give evidence. A definite indictment against Man- 
chester was brought by Cromwell in November, and 
the remainder of the year was occupied in the hearing. 
One after another the Independent Colonels Lilburne, 
Fleetwood, Pickering, Mountagu testified against 
Manchester. His backwardness in action, his un- 
willingness to follow up a victory, and his neglect of 
orders, formed the main counts against him. He was 
condemned out of his own mouth ; Haselrig told how 
Manchester had said : " If we beat the King ninety 
and nine times, yet he is King still, and so will his 
posterity be after him." 2 Mountagu affirmed " that he 
heard the Earl of Manchester say that he was against 
this war in the beginning of it, and that if those who 
began it had to do it again they would be twice advised, 
or to that effect." 3 But in the end no decisive action 
against Manchester was taken, for Parliament was 

1 The movements of the regiment can be traced in the journal (Carte 
MSS., 74, f. 159). 

Cal. S. P., Dom., November 25. 
8 Ibid., November 25. See also 5. P., Dom. : Charles /., vol. diiu 


divided ; and when the time for a campaign arrived, 
a new army and new commanders took over the 
conduct of the war. 

The battle of Newbury, which preceded this quarrel, 
was the last military event of the year. When the 
winter came on, Mountagu's regiment was quartered 
at Henley, and on January 10, 1645, Mountagu was 
appointed Governor of the place, with the chief com- 
mand of all forces, horse and foot, belonging to the 
garrison. 1 He had no light task, owing to the factious 
spirit which was at work, and the division which was 
felt throughout all ranks of the army. The pay of the 
men was sadly in arrears, and for some time they had 
been out of hand. The Royalist papers reported that 
the Henley garrison was one which could " only agree 
to rob the poor country, and then quarrel about the 
distribution" a story which Mercurius Britannicus 
did his best to deny. 2 But the sequel showed that 
there was disorder in the camp, which at length broke 
into open mutiny. 

The ringleaders of the disturbance were two officers, 
Captains Taylor and Rouse, who had been cashiered 
some months before, says Mountagu, " for notorious 
crimes." When the young Colonel became Governor 
of Henley, he determined to root out all such men, 
and dismissed the two malcontents, at the same time 
informing Manchester of what he had done. But the 
affair happened in the thick of the Manchester and 
Cromwell quarrel, and Manchester overrode Moun- 
tagu's decision and reinstated the wranglers. "The 
first fruits of their coming has been this mutiny," said 
Mountagu. For no sooner were Rouse and Taylor 

1 The original warrant is in the Carte MSS., 74, f. 151. His instructions 
as Governor are in the Carte MSS., 74, f. 418. 

2 See Perfect Passages, E. 268, No. I ; Mercurius Britannicus, E. 269, 
No. 6. 


back in the regiment than trouble began. They had 
good material for sedition ; the soldiers demanded 
six weeks' pay, and were put off with two. On 
February 19, Grime, Mountagu's Lieutenant-Colonel, 
who was aware of the discontent, saw the ringleaders 
drinking with some of the disaffected, and endeavoured 
to arrest them, but they escaped. Next day, on parade, 
mutiny broke out. Some of the soldiers chattered and 
shouted, refused to be mustered, and at length ran 
outside the town. For a time the whole regiment 
looked dangerous, but force and persuasion prevailed, 
and order was restored. The Governor suspected that 
the mutiny was " occasioned by some underhand 
insinuations " of those disaffected to himself, and the 
trouble was more particularly apparent after the ring- 
leaders had seen Manchester. He actually gave them 
the letters, ordering their reinstatement, to carry to 
Henley. Mountagu felt that his authority was under- 
mined, " to the great disturbance and almost ruin 
of his regiment." He proved himself as firm as he 
was brave. Fortunately, he was then in London, 
and able to state his own case. He appealed to the 
Committee which had the management of the war, 
and on February 27 the mutinous troops were marched 
out and replaced by others. 1 After that, nothing more 
was heard of the affair. 

1 Cat. S. P., Dont., February 20 to 27. 



" From the beginning I was confident, a blessing from Heaven did attend 
this Army, there were in it so many pious men, men of integrity, hating vice, 
fighting not out of ambitiousnesse or by-ends, but aiming at God's glory and 
the preservation of Religion and Liberty, and the destruction of the Enemy." 

In the spring of 1645 everything gave place to the 
preparations for a new-modelled army. The men who 
wished the war to make an end of the quarrel between 
King and Parliament had outlined a scheme which 
gave England the most effective army she has ever 
had. The Members of Parliament were replaced by 
a professional soldiery. The trained bands and local 
regiments were swept away. Though the men were, 
if possible, recruited from a given group of counties, 
this was done in order to keep a spirit of comradeship, 
and not with an understanding that their work was 
confined to any one district. The three armies 
those of Essex, Manchester, and Waller were united 
under a single command. The methods of pay were 
entirely reorganized. Nothing was neglected. The 
scarves and boughs of trees, the white paper and 
handkerchiefs, which had formerly acted as insignia 
for many of the regiments, gave place to a regular 
uniform. 1 The local colours facings of red or blue 
or white were left in certain regiments, and every 
soldier was for the first time clothed in red. " The 
men are Redcoats all," says a newspaper ; " the whole 
army only are distinguished by the several facings of 
their coats." 2 With weapons and headpieces, hats, 

1 See the comments at the beginning of this chapter, page 26. It is most 
probable that in the early stages of the war, as new men joined the ranks, 
they remained for weeks or months without regular clothing or weapons. 
Before the New Model Army was built up, the appearance of the troops was 

2 Perfect Passages, May 7, 1645, E. 20, No. 20. And see Professor Firth's 
book, already cited. 


breastplates, and helmets, it was all the same uni- 
formity throughout. And since the number of men 
allotted to each regiment was considerably lessened, 
this uniformity could the more easily be maintained. 

The new regiments were officered by the men who 
had distinguished themselves in the early part of 
the war, and whose character would stand the test 
of zeal. The Commissioners were well assured that 
nothing in the army was more considerable than the 
choice of their officers and commanders. 1 For Com- 
mander-in-Chief the choice of the Parliament fell 
upon Sir Thomas Fairfax, who had seen active service 
in the Netherlands, and who had led a detachment at 
Marston Moor. His excellence of character, and the 
love he inspired among his men, proved assets even 
more important to the army than his military capacity. 
His lieutenants were the tried soldiers of the previous 
campaigns, such as Ireton, Fleetwood, Hammond, 
Rainsborough, Pickering, and Mountagu. 

The regiment which Edward Mountagu commanded 
was a regiment of foot, mostly drawn from Cambridge- 
shire and the surrounding counties. The soldiers were 
"levied in those places whence the regiments have 
been levied, and do use to be recruited." 2 The old 
territorial feeling was thus kept alive, though it was 
brought home to the men that local feeling was sub- 
ordinate to the necessity of concluding the war. The 
regiment abandoned its old facings of white, and their 
red coats were trimmed with blue. 3 The banner is 
not described ; but when the regiment changed hands, 
Mountagu's successor carried a red banner, on which 
was depicted a most elaborate device : a pillar, bearing 

1 Carte MSS., 80, f. 210. 

2 Cal. S. P., Dom., January 17, 1645 ; Firth, Cromwell's Army, p. 38. 
;i The Kingdom^* Weekly Intelligencer, E. 304, No. 24. 


the arms of London ; and crowned with a regal crown, 
touched by a naked hand and arm. The motto was 
Ut servat incolumem.^ Perhaps in some corner at 
Hinchingbrooke there lies the flag which Edward 
Mountagu unfurled at Naseby, and planted upon the 
walls of Bristol. 

The building up of the New Model Army occupied 
some months, and it was not until May that Fairfax 
was able to take the field. Even then the final 
arrangements were incomplete, but the Royalist 
movements made it urgent that the army should be 
mobilized. The various regiments were hurried to 
the rendezvous. Mountagu's committee-men were 
advised to hasten up their recruits. The Colonel had 
appointed officers to meet the soldiers at St. Albans, 
and to conduct them to Huntingdon. " It is high 
time the regiments were full," said one, "the enemy 
being now in motion." 2 

When the army was at length able to take the field, 
Fairfax found the relative position of King and 
Parliament much as it was at the end of 1644. 
Though the north was flecked here and there with 
Royalist garrisons, the country round was in the 
Parliament's hands, and their influence spread all 
along the midlands, the eastern and the home 
counties. The west, and most of Wales, still held 
out for the King ; Oxford was still his, and from this 
point of advantage the Royalist army could be hurled 
upon the east of England. With the country behind 
him secure, the Royalist could turn east or north. 
Some such plan was indeed afoot. On May 9 the 
King came out of Oxford, and marched with his main 
army towards Worcester. For a time his activity 

1 Prestwich, Respublica Anglicana. The banner was that of Colonel 
Lambert. 2 Cal. S. P., Dotn., May 6 and 8. 


enlivened the Royalists and dismayed his opponents. 
But the King's plans were not matured, and there 
was a fatal division in his councils. Two main 
courses were open to him : either he could seek out 
Fairfax and his army, or march to the north of 
England and sweep back the Scottish forces. If he 
could defeat either Fairfax or Leven, he had one army 
the less with which to deal. But he went direct at 
neither obstacle. While his council were divided, and 
disputed over the two plans, his army turned sharply 
eastwards without any definite purpose, beyond that 
of harrying the midlands and ensuring supplies. 1 

The chief reason for this indecision was the in- 
security of the King's communications. Charles had 
barely left his headquarters, when he heard that 
Oxford was in distress. Fairfax and his army had 
made a rapid march ; they besieged the city, and it 
was a question how long the place could hold out. 
To Charles and Rupert this was of considerable 
moment. Any great move was impossible unless 
their base of operations was sufficiently well pro- 
visioned to stand a siege. In order to make the 
midlands a ground of supply, it was determined to 
attack Leicester. On May 31 the small garrison of 
Roundheads was overcome, about one hundred men 
were slain, and the town and neighbourhood were 

This was enough to rouse the Parliament. Their 
papers were more despondent than at any time during 
the war. "We are now like men," said one, "that 
are fallen into a ditch ; we must not lie gazing up and 
looking how we fell, or who threw us into it ; but we 
must rather seek how we can get out." 2 The news 

1 Gardiner, Civil War, chap. xxix. 

2 The Exchange Intelligencer, E. 288, No. 3. 


from Leicester was a threat to the Eastern Association. 
The Committee of Both Kingdoms, which hitherto 
had directed the campaign, immediately resigned its 
conduct to Fairfax. They had learned the value of 
undivided counsel. At the same time every one of 
the colonels petitioned Parliament that Cromwell's 
services should be retained, despite his membership 
of the House. The petition was granted, and 
Cromwell became Lieutenant-General. In a few days 
the New Model was ready for action. Fairfax aban- 
doned the siege of Oxford, and set out to engage the 

He marched north-east, and came within touch of 
the Royalists on the borders of Leicester and North- 
ampton. Flushed with their success at Leicester, and 
despising this New Model Army and its new recruits, 
Charles and Rupert stood their ground. On the 
morning of June 14 the Royalist army was drawn up 
about two miles south of Market Harborough. Scouts 
were sent out, but failed to find the Roundheads ; and 
Rupert, with a party of horse and musketeers, went 
in search of them. He saw the enemy moving, just 
north of Naseby village. At that moment Fairfax was 
drawing his troops to a point of vantage, and they had 
their backs to Rupert. He imagined that the move- 
ment was a retreat, and determined to engage. He 
galloped back with his report, brought the whole of 
the King's army to the attack, and by ten o'clock the 
fight had begun. 

During the battle of Naseby, Mountagu's regiment 
played a useful rather than brilliant part, and the 
engagement may therefore be briefly dismissed. The 
line was formed with cavalry upon the flanks, Crom- 
well on the right, Ireton on the left; the infantry 
occupied the centre. Major-General Skippon com- 

i6 4 5] NASEBY 59 

manded the whole of the foot - soldiers. His own 
regiment was on the left ; next to him came Waller's, 
then Pickering's, then Mountagu's, and upon the right 
was Fairfax's regiment. 1 Three other infantry regi- 
ments were kept in reserve. The battle was quickly 
joined, without any prelude by the artillery. When 
the lines advanced, the Roundhead infantry met with 
a stout resistance. After one volley from their 
carbines both armies charged, and were soon at it 
with sword, and pike, and the butt -end of their 
muskets. The Royalist onslaught was so fierce that 
the Roundhead regiments wavered. Skippon was 
wounded, and his men were disorganized and gave 
way. Right along the line the regiments were broken 
in their turn; the recruits of the New Model were 
unable to face their first enemy. Only Fairfax and 
his men stood fast. But the leaven of those who had 
fought at Marston Moor soon began to work. The 
colonels cried out to their men, cheered them, and 
exhorted them ; the reserves were brought forward 
in order to stiffen the line. In a few moments the 
men recovered, and again fell upon the enemy. 

Meanwhile the action of the cavalry decided the 
battle. Rupert charged through Ireton's wing, van- 
quished his horse, and galloped up to the Roundheads' 
baggage train. He met with a sturdy welcome, and at 
length turned aside. There was a greater foe to be 
reckoned with, for Cromwell on his side swept back 
the Royalist horse, detached three regiments to pursue 
them, and prepared with the remainder of his men to 
aid the infantry. By this time Fairfax and his colonels 
had rallied the foot, who were keeping the Royalist 
force in check. The help of Cromwell turned the day. 
The Royalist regiments were broken, and one after 

1 See the plan of the battle in Sprigge's Anglia Rediviva. 


another yielded up their arms and begged for quarter. 
Only the Blue Regiment "stood to it very stoutly, 
and stirred not, like to a wall of brasse ; though en- 
compassed by our Forces ; so that our men were 
forced to knock them down with the Butt-end of their 
muskets." 1 Every man in the Blues sold his life. 
At length Fairfax himself slew the Ensign and tore 
the colours from his grasp. 

It had been in the King's mind to come to the help 
of these gallant soldiers, but so great was the danger 
that he allowed his horse to be turned from the battle. 
Rupert had done with pursuit, and was prepared to 
charge a second time. But his horsemen were hard 
to rally ; the foot was destroyed, the artillery all 
captured. Only flight was left to the Royalists, and 
they made for Leicester, with the Roundhead horse in 
full pursuit. They left behind them 5,000 prisoners, 
the whole of their artillery and baggage, and among 
this was found the cabinet which contained the King's 
letters. These were opened and published. The 
revelations of his dealings with foreigners, his in- 
trigues with the Scots, the Irish, and the Lorrainer, 
disgusted the soldiers and hardened their hearts. 
After Naseby it appeared as though no course was 
left but to fight it out to the end. The King's Cabinet 
Opened, a curious pamphlet, was a revelation of 
treachery to England, which the country found it 
hard to forgive. It was the vindication of the school 
of Cromwell against the school of Manchester, of 
firmness against leniency. 

The victorious army moved immediately towards 
the west of England. Fairfax left the King to be 
dealt with by others while he marched to relieve 
Taunton and to oust Goring from Somerset. He 

1 The Kingdom?* Weekly Intelligencer, E. 288, No. 31. 

1645] CLUBMEN 61 

took his soldiers rapidly towards the south, through 
Warwickshire, Gloucester, and Wiltshire, and thence 
into Dorset His journey was not free from trouble : 
the horse was much weakened ; some who had got 
rich booty had gone to stow it safely ; many men 
were afoot whose horses had been killed, yet most 
were willing to serve the Parliament. 1 But discipline 
was still imperfect. One man was hanged for deser- 
tion, and another for robbing a countryman. A few 
soldiers who straggled into Marlborough to see the 
fair were cut off by Royalists from Devizes. At 
Blandford a barn was accidentally fired, and the 
soldiers got at loggerheads with the townsfolk. 2 But 
these were the lesser difficulties. One which looked 
more serious was the encounter with the Clubmen 
bodies of men banded together in defence of their 
county. White ribbons were in their hats, with the 
motto " Peace and Truth " interwoven. They chanted 
their doggerel verse : 

" If you come to steale away our cattell, 
We will meet you, and give you battell." 

It was the business of Fairfax to show the Clubmen 
that the Parliament's quarrel was with the King, and 
not with any county, and that their interest lay in a 
speedy settlement of the district. He feared lest they 
should hinder his designs upon Bristol, which was in 
Rupert's hands, and which was regarded as the key 
to the west. So he dispatched Cromwell, Mountagu, 
and the Independent chaplains Ash, Moon, and 
Peters to persuade the Clubmen to join with him 
and bring the siege to a close. After some days the 
Clubmen consented, and " agreed with great alacrity 

1 Lords' Journals: Fairfax to the Committee, vol. vii., p. 463. 

2 Sprigge, Anglia Redivvva^ p. 55 ; The Proceedings of the Army, etc., 
E. 292, No. 1 6. 


and readinesse, to give assistance for the regaining of 
Bristol." 1 

The successful wooing of the Clubmen was a 
victory over one of many obstacles. For days the sun 
was almost unbearable, and the march seemed long 
and tedious ; the men were footsore and weary, 
until the good news reached them that the siege of 
Taunton had been raised, and that the Royalists had 
drawn away from the town. On July 5 Fairfax was 
within touch of the enemy. The Royalists numbered 
about 5,000. They were under the command of 
Goring perhaps the least trustworthy of their 
generals a man well versed in court intrigue, but a 
moderate and irresolute leader. He had fallen back, 
in some hopes of keeping open the road between 
Bristol and Oxford. But his dispositions were faulty. 
Step by step Fairfax gained ground, and secured one 
position after another. On July 8 the Roundhead 
scouts brought him intelligence that Goring had 
retired along the road to Bridgewater, and was then 
at Langport, while part of his army was at the same 
time moving towards Taunton to keep the road into 
Devon and Cornwall. Fairfax at once detached 
Major-General Massey with a goodly party of horse 
and dragoons to hold the Taunton force in check, 
while the main body of the Parliamentarians gave 
battle. Two days' sharp fighting brought success. 
On July 9 Massey's troops were engaged, somewhere 
out upon the Taunton road. The noise of the muskets 
and the report of a sharp skirmish determined Fairfax 
to reinforce Massey. 

It is evident that Mountagu had by then acquired 
the grip necessary in a leader, and had won the 
confidence of his General and the affection of his 

1 The True Informer , E. 301, No. 7. 

1645] LANGPORT 63 

men ; for Fairfax gave to him, a youth not yet 
twenty-one, a more considerable command than he 
had hitherto had 2,000 musketeers and a regiment 
of horse. 1 Henceforth the Parliamentary papers 
speak of Mountagu as a Major-General, and he 
certainly for a time supplied Skippon's place. 2 He 
started from his quarters at Marstock towards the 
evening of July 9. But before his men could cover 
the seven or eight miles, Massey had defeated the 
enemy and captured nine colours and 300 horse. 
Mountagu had the ill-luck to miss another brush with 
the enemy. As he and Massey returned to Langport, 
messengers met them, urging haste. Again they were 
within the sound of an engagement. But before they 
could reach Fairfax, the enemy was in full flight to- 
wards Bridgewater, and Goring was galloping to the 
west. Langport mercy was added to Naseby mercy. 
" And to see this," wrote Cromwell, " is it not to see 
the face of God ?" 3 

After this success Fairfax pushed on towards 
Bridgewater. The little town was stoutly fortified 
and entrenched. A considerable number of the neigh- 
bouring gentry were within the walls, and commanded 
abundance of arms and treasure. 4 If Fairfax secured 
the place, he relieved the west of one more strong- 
hold of royalism. On July n he approached the 
town and took counsel of his officers. The work 
before them was one to be done quickly, for the army 

1 Sprigge, Anglia Rediviva, p. 64 ; A More Full Relation, E. 293, No. 3 ; 
and The Moderate Intelligencer, E. 293, No. 6. 

2 The Kingdoms 's Weekly Intelligencer for July 22 says: "Colonel 
Mountagu, who now supplies the place of Major Generall, in the room of 
Major Generall Skippon, is scarce 21 years of age, and yet hath still per- 
formed his services, with as much resolution as could be expected " (E. 294, 
No. 10). 

a Carlyle's Cromwell, iii. 246. 

4 See Sprigge and Mercurius Civicus, E. 293, No. 24. 


was needed elsewhere, and could not spend an in- 
definite time upon an investment, nor proceed by 
mining and siegecraft. The New-Modelled Army was 
gaining confidence and experience, and it was decided 
that the town should be stormed. Massey acted as 
general on the Devon side, but the main attack came 
from the east. There Fairfax stationed the Indepen- 
dent Colonels Pickering, Mountagu, Waller, Pride, 
Rainsborough, and Hammond. " The despised army, 
once the scorn of many, was a praying and a religious 
army;" on the Lord's Day (July 20) the chaplains 
encouraged the soldiers " to look upon Christ in all 
their actions." 1 On the next day the work began. 

It was two o'clock, on a damp July morning, when 
the signal was given to attack. Some portable bridges, 
which Hammond had constructed, were drawn by 
waggons into place, and thrown across the moat. The 
men dashed over these, mounted the works, beat the 
enemy back, and turned their own cannon upon them. 
In galloped the horse, and the eastern part of the town 
was cleared. The defenders, however, still held the 
main defences the second moat, the town walls, and 
the drawbridge. Summoned to surrender, the garri- 
son refused, and poured grenadoes and slugs of hot 
iron upon the houses already taken. They fouled 
their own nest, and this roused Fairfax to anger. He 
determined to alarm the town and summon it again. 
All the following day and night the alarms continued ; 
on the next afternoon a trumpet was sent to say 
that the women and children might march out. No 
sooner had they quitted the place, than Fairfax turned 
his cannon on the town, and shells and hot slugs set it 
ablaze. More messages were sent backwards and 
forwards, but the Roundheads were irate at the wanton 

1 A Fuller Relation, E. 293, No. 34. 


destruction of the eastern suburb, and refused to give 
any terms. For some time it looked as though the 
whole place must be destroyed, but the citizens so 
pressed the Governor that on the following day the 
town was yielded, and without conditions. 

By the capture of Bridgewater, Fairfax obtained 
control of a line which isolated Devon and Cornwall. 
From Lyme Regis across to the Bristol Channel the 
towns were his. He set out to make his work secure. 
He left a garrison in Bridgewater, detached a brigade 
of horse and foot, under Pickering, to keep watch on 
Sherborne, and another brigade, under Colonel Rich, 
to secure Bath. The city was in the hands of the 
Royalists, and must be taken from them " in order to 
the straitening of Bristoll." 1 On July 29 the place 
was summoned ; on the following day an alarm, which 
was a mere rattle of arms, caused the Deputy Governor 
to surrender, at the very moment Rupert was marching 
to his relief. Fairfax then turned upon Sherborne, 
and gained another success. In a fortnight's time the 
castle had fallen. " Here's fruit of a green army," said 
a Roundhead pamphlet ; " every week a Town, or a 
Victory." 2 

The taking of Sherborne became all the more 
important, since it was found to be the centre of the 
disaffected Clubmen. The capture of the castle 
subdued the whole neighbourhood ; " a man might 
ride very quietly between Sherborne and Salisbury." 3 
More and more secure in his communications, Fairfax 
turned on Bristol, the most serious piece of work he 
had undertaken. Rupert held the place with over 
2,000 men. As long as he was there, and could 

1 Sprigge, Anglia Rediviva, p. 76. 

2 The Moderate Intelligencer , E. 294, No. 16. 

3 Sprigge, Anglia Rediviva, p. 81. 

VOL. I. C 


draw the Royalist forces to him, so long were the 
Roundheads hindered in the final reduction of the 
west. Troops from Wales could be thrown across 
the Severn, and ammunition could be sent into the 
port. Fairfax and his council of war determined to 
make Bristol their next design, as the greatest service 
they could do for the public. 1 The preparations were 
quickly made. On August 20 the advance guard of 
the army was within nine miles of the town ; Ireton, 
with 2,000 horse and dragoons, was detached to prevent 
Rupert burning the surrounding villages, and Moun- 
tagu and Pickering were set to watch " the Cavestam 
road." 2 On the following day the remaining regi- 
ments came up, and the city was gradually invested 
on every side. A message was sent to the Parliament's 
fleet, then riding off Milford Haven, to complete the 
investment by sea. 

But Rupert was not the type of leader to sit down 
and watch these hostile operations. Day after day his 
men sallied out ; they burned Bedminster and Clifton, 
damaged the crops, and cut off any straggling Round- 
heads. The Cavaliers were in a bitter mood, and gave 
the " rogues, dogs, and pedlars," as they called them, 
some sharp engagements. The weather was wet, 
misty, and wholly disagreeable. The plague raged in 
the town itself and the villages round. Every day had 
its crop of troubles for the besiegers. In the end an 
intercepted letter brought the news that Goring 
intended to join hands with the King, and that in 
three weeks' time their combined forces would be 
ready to relieve Bristol. Fairfax and his council 
resolved to wait no longer. They had taken the fort 

1 Sprigge, Anglia Rediviva, p. 88. 

2 The Moderate Intelligences ; E. 298, No. 17. Cavestam is probably 
Keynsham or Clave rhain. 


at Avonmouth, and the Parliamentary fleet had 
arrived. On September 2 a long debate was held, and 
the council decided to quit the siege and take the 
city by storm. 

Before the place was attacked, intelligence arrived 
which naturally quickened Mountagu's military ardour. 
The newspapers which were sent to the camp con- 
firmed the news brought him by letter, the news that 
the Royalists had raided Huntingdon. The Parlia- 
mentary journals, which made the most of all such 
moves upon the King's part, raked up harrowing 
stories of the assaults and exactions from which 
the Parliamentarians suffered. " Every house was 
billetted though never so poor." Even a Royalist inn- 
keeper was unable to satisfy the Cavaliers' demands, 
and walked in fear of his life. Shops were stripped 
of their wares, and houses of their furniture. 1 And 
Mountagu had a special grievance ; for while his town 
was plundered, and the Mayor and Council put up to 
ransom, hospitality to the King was exacted from his 
home. "The King lay at Hinchingbrooke," says the 
Moderate Intelligencer, " the house of Colonel Mountagu, 
a gallant soldier." 2 The news of these Royalist raids 
roused the indignation of the men whose houses had 
been used by Charles. They complained that the 
Association and London " did suffer the king's forces 
to go progresse so much ; to many of their prejudice, 
and terror of their Wives, and do nothing but bark and 
snap at them." It was but a poor reward, they said, 
for their service in the west. 3 

1 The Royall Entertainment, E. 298, No. 26 ; and The Parlianienfs Post, 
E. 298, No. 29. 

2 This is from The Moderate Intelligencer, E. 298, No. 17. But another 
newspaper, The City Scout (E. 298, No. 16), says that the King stayed 
at the George. The True Informer (E. 298, No. 21) also says Hinching- 
brooke. See Slingsby's Diary and Harleian MSS., 944. 

3 The Moderate Intelligencer, E. 302, No. 2. 


Such news, however, put more life into the East 
Anglians, and the attack on Bristol gave Mountagu and 
the younger colonels a further chance to show their 
mettle. The fortifications of Bristol enclosed the city 
in a rough triangle, with the apex at the north, and on 
this apex was built the stoutest of the Royalist forts. 
The western line ran thence to the River Avon, facing 
Clifton Down ; and along it were five forts, carrying 
in all about fifty guns. The eastern lines guarded the 
old city of Bristol, and joined gate to gate. At the 
centre gate the main roads and waterways converged 
into the town, and narrowed down into Clifton Gorge. 
The roads up to the main gateway were covered by the 
castle, with its sixteen guns. But the length of the 
line, about four miles, made the defence a matter of 
difficulty ; Rupert had a handful of men, and saw the 
Roundhead forces, fresh from Naseby and Bridge- 
water, disposed round the city, strong at every point. 
On the downs, at the western side, were two regiments 
of dragoons, two of horse, and one of foot-soldiers. 
The fort at the apex was faced by Rainsborough and 
his brigade of infantry, supported by two regiments 
of horse. In Redcliffe Meads, near the Church of 
St. Mary, was Welden's brigade ; and on the eastern 
side was Mountagu's. He acted as Major-General, and 
had command of the regiments which had learned to 
face fire in the centre at Naseby fight his own regi- 
ment, Waller's, Pickering's, and the General's. With 
him were two regiments of horse. 

Thus arrayed, the besiegers watched the city until 
September came in. At first drizzling rain and mist 
darkened the low-lying lands, and depressed the 
men; at length better weather came, and the sun's 
beams, said a writer, warmed the soldiers' hearts. 
Now and then the great guns played on them from 


Prior's Fort, and a battery was set up to return the 
fire. The days passed without further sallies, and 
the soldiers grew impatient. On September 4 Fairfax 
sent a dignified demand for surrender. Rupert sought 
to gain time, and begged leave to write to the King. 
Such a course would have been fatal to Fairfax, 
because of the delay. He offered to Rupert definite 
terms, but the Prince temporized, and staved off his 
creditors. Six days passed, " subtly spun out," every 
one of them a day gained by the Royalists. 1 At the 
end of the sixth day Fairfax delayed no longer, but 
prepared to storm the town. 

At two o'clock on the morning of September 10 
the signal was given. Four great guns were fired 
off, and at the same moment a heap of straw flared up 
into flame, and beckoned the soldiers on all sides of 
the city. The days of expectancy had only served to 
whet their eagerness. The regiments dashed towards 
the walls. Each regiment stormed in three places. 
Every ten men had their ladder, and with each ladder 
went a sergeant to direct its placing. The little 
groups of laddermen were supported by files of 
musketeers and pikemen, who followed the ladders 
to the walls, warded off the defenders, and helped in 
the first assault. The whole had been ordered before- 
hand, and the signal was obeyed with the greatest 
resolution. Mountagu and Pickering dashed their 
regiments against Lawford's Gate, where the double 
work "was well filled with men and cannon." For 
two hours they fought the enemy hand to hand, beat 
them back, seized twenty great guns, and took several 
prisoners. Immediately the men had gained a footing, 
Mountagu ordered pioneers to level the fortifications 
with pick and spade, and make a way for the horse. 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm.: Portland MS 'S., i. 268. 


Faggots were thrown into the trench, temporary 
bridges were dragged across, and the horse charged 
in, amid joyous cries of " The Lord of Hosts !" Sup- 
ported by the cavalry, Mountagu and Pickering dashed 
along the market to the castle walls, and secured the 
castle gates. Horse and foot " seemed to emulate 
one another in courage and affection." 1 The storm 
was just as successful upon every side. In three 
hours' time the long line of forts had been passed; 
the colonels led their regiments across the fortifica- 
tions, and were masters of the whole line. Only 
Prior's Fort held out. Rainsborough had there the 
hardest task of all. His ladders scarcely reached the 
top, and his men were actually at push of pike, stand- 
ing upon the palisadoes, but could not enter. At 
length Mountagu and Hammond detached some men 
to storm the fort upon the inner side ; the flag was 
torn down, and the defenders put to the sword. 2 
Before the sun rose Bristol was gained. 

Except upon one side of the town the onslaught 
was successful, and Rupert recognized defeat. About 
nine o'clock he sent a trumpeter to desire a parley, 
and by nightfall conditions were arranged. The 
three young colonels, who had shown conspicuous 
bravery Mountagu, Pickering, and Rainsborough 
were deputed by Fairfax to sign the terms. The 
Prince and his officers were allowed to march out 
with their colours, pikes and drums, bag and baggage ; 
their horses and their swords were left to them, and 
a convoy was provided. The terms were generous, 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Portland MSS., i. 268 ; A True Relation, E. 301, 
No. 5 ; Mercuritis Veridicus, E. 302, No. 10 ; Anglia Rediviva, p. 114. 

2 Carlyle's Cromwell, Letter xxxi. He says Rainsborough and Hammond, 
but the Commissioners (in the letter quoted above) say that Mountagu's and 
Hammond's men were among the first to enter Prior's Fort. Certainly 
Mountagu was earliest in a position to give relief. 

i6 45 ] BRISTOL TAKEN 71 

but irate Royalists had fired part of the city, and 
Fairfax feared lest the whole place should be destroyed. 
He received for the Parliament the castle and forts, 
ammunition and provisions of war. On September 1 1 
the place was delivered up, and, within a few hours, 
Rupert left the city. He was mounted upon a gallant 
black Barbary horse. His dress was of scarlet, richly 
laid with silver lace. By his side were three of 
the Roundhead Colonels Cromwell, Mountagu, and 
Rainsborough who accompanied the Prince from the 
city gate and escorted him to Fairfax. The Prince, 
"with his lifeguard of firelocks all in red coats before 
him," was received by the General, and Fairfax 
rode by his side two miles of the way to Oxford. 
There they parted, and the Prince took one last look 
back at the city as though unwilling to leave it. Fairfax 
returned in triumph to Bristol, where Hammond's 
regiment was drawn up at the gate of the fort, ready 
to place the keys in the General's hands. 1 

The storm of Bristol was the last fight in which 
Mountagu led his regiment. As soon as the city was 
handed over to the Roundheads, he and Hammond 
were sent to London, the bearers of the good news to 
Parliament. The two young colonels arrived there 
on September 12, and received the thanks of the 
House. 2 But it was not intended that Mountagu 
should return to the army. A writ had been issued 
for Huntingdonshire, and he was chosen Knight 
of the Shire in the room of his father. On October 13 
he took his seat in the House. 3 The following 
day news came from the west, which afforded 
Mountagu special pride. His regiment, fighting 

1 An Exact Relation, E. 302, No. 3. 

2 Lords' Journals , September 19. 

3 Commons' Journals, September 25 ; The Kingdoms 1 * Weekly Intelligencer, 
October 13, E. 304, No. 24. 


under Cromwell, had shown marked gallantry at 
the capture of Basing House. 1 It was the last time 
they fought under Mountagu's name. A few weeks 
later Mountagu's " Blues " were handed over to John 
Lambert. 2 Mountagu himself retained the rank of 
Colonel, but devoted himself for a time to the service 
of the House. It was immediately resolved that 
Colonel Mountagu be added to the Committee of the 
Army, and on October 16 he took the place of 
William Strode, deceased. 3 The current of his life 
ran, for the next five years, in less absorbing 

Mountagu's election to the House of Commons had 
definite political significance. The Independent party 
determined to increase their strength in Parliament, 
for the tenets of Presbyterianism were gaining ground, 
and toleration needed its champions. A batch of 
members, bound to Cromwell by various ties, entered 
Parliament at brief intervals. Such were Ireton, who 
was soon to marry Bridget Cromwell ; Fleetwood, an 
Ironside Colonel ; Sydenham, another young soldier ; 
and Mountagu, whose devotion to Cromwell was be- 
yond question. 4 But Mountagu seemed better suited 
to the camp than to the benches of the House. His 
championship of Cromwell was unobtrusive, and he 
had little or no influence upon the eventual triumph 
of Independency. Parliament toned down his en- 
thusiasms ; he soon became less of an extremist, and 
as Cromwell and his followers went forward Mountagu 

1 Carlyle's Cromwell, Letters xxxii. and xxxiii. Pickering commanded 
his own regiment, Mountagu's and Waller's ; Mountagu was a brigade officer, 
and would certainly have commanded had he been present. He could hardly 
have been at Basing a few hours after taking his seat. 

2 Sprigge, Anglia Rediviva, 328. The date is not given, but the regiment 
is spoken of as Lambert's in January, 1646 (E. 317, No. 10). 

3 Commons' Journals, October 14 and 16. 

4 Masson, Life of Milton , iii. 402. 


shrank back. The ardour for the Parliamentary cause 
which he had displayed at eighteen slowly cooled down; 
like many another man who had taken up arms, he 
abhorred radical measures. To beat the King in fair 
fight was one matter ; to connive at his death was 
quite another. And as a Member of Parliament 
Mountagu acquired a respect for constitutional 
forms, and these he saw overridden. Gradually the 
" Agitators " in the army got the upper hand ; the 
King was denounced as a "man of blood"; the Con- 
stitution was attacked by the criticism of the Levellers. 
Cromwell had loosened forces which he was unable 
to control ; Parliament sank more and more into a 
second place, and eventually the army held the casting 
vote in national affairs. 

Under the circumstances it is no strange thing that 
less and less was heard of Edward Mountagu. For 
months the newsletters contain no glimpse of his 
doings, the journals of the House hardly mention 
his name. Only twice during the period of unrest 
did the tide of events surge up to his door. The 
quarrel between Presbyterian and Independent for 
the possession of the King's person led to the scene 
at Holmby House, when Cromwell outwitted the 
Scots, and sent Cornet Joyce to bring Charles a 
captive to Newmarket. On the King's journey 
he rested at Hinchingbrooke. Mountagu may have 
been there himself; he obtained leave of absence 
from Parliament a few weeks before. 1 But if he 
were not there, Mistress Mountagu entertained the 
King ; while her father, John Crew, was one of 
the Commissioners who had the custody of Charles. 
" The King was nobly treated here," said Sir Thomas 
Herbert, " with much honour and affection, as were 

1 Commons' jfozirnals, May I, 1647. 


also the Lords and other Commissioners." 1 So well 
was the King entertained that for long afterwards there 
was a tradition that his host and hostess had erred 
upon the side of loyalty, and in the time to come both 
their enemies and friends remembered this. 2 

During the events which followed the capture of 
the King, such as the three-cornered negotiations 
between the monarch, the Presbyterians, and the 
Independents, or the quarrel between the army and 
the Parliament, only conjecture can supply any clue 
to Mountagu's position. The first Civil War had come 
to an end. The army then protested against Parlia- 
ment's attempt to send the men back to their homes, 
and took up a line of resistance. One of the regi- 
ments quartered at Huntingdon was ordered to 
disband a few days after the King was at Hinching- 
brooke. 3 Mountagu was then in Huntingdon, and 
doubtless did his duty as a member in supporting 
the authority of the House against the clamour of the 

In the second Civil War, which broke out in 1648, 
"the old grudge was set on new wheels." 4 Once 
again Mountagu was caught for one brief moment in 
the swirl of affairs. This time it was through renewed 
disturbances upon the part of the Royalists. Tumul- 
tuous meetings were held in Huntingdonshire, which 
Mountagu did his best to suppress. His capture by 
a small band of Cavaliers was reported in London, 

1 Brit. Mus.: Harkian MSS., 7396 ; A True and Perfect Narrative, etc., 
by Sir Thomas Herbert. 

2 The story is given in Noble's Memoirs of the Cromwells, i. 44 n. : " K. 
Cha. I., in 1646, on his way from Holmby was very magnificently and duti- 
fully entertained there by lady Mountagu, which greatly displeased the brutal 
force, who attended the captive monarch, with the parlement commissioners." 

3 Commons' Joitrnals, May 25. The date fixed for disbanding Hardress 
Waller's regiment, then at Huntingdon, was June 12. 

4 Mercurius Censorins^ E. 446, No. 20. 


and it was said that he was carried a prisoner to 
Washingley House, a few miles from his own home. 1 
But this story rests upon a single fragment of evidence, 
and the newspapers give no trace of such an occur- 
rence. Certainly he was not long a prisoner, for in 
July, when the Royalists, under Holland, were about 
St. Neots, Mountagu took part in their defeat, and 
was said to have been seen " spoiling the town for the 
Parliament and himself." 2 

These uncertain glimpses of Mountagu are all that 
can be obtained, since he gradually withdrew from 
public life, and retired without money or land gained 
from the plunder of the Civil War. 3 He ceased to 
follow Cromwell ; he took no part in the events of 
the autumn of 1648 the denunciation of Charles, the 
establishment of a special tribunal, the condemnation of 
the King. He had come to regard the army's measures 
as a blunder, and the army in turn regarded him as 
an opponent to their designs. When Colonel Pride 
purged the House, so as to give some appearance of 
legality to the proceedings of the King's trial, Moun- 
tagu found himself " secluded " from further service. 4 
He and Crew were both relieved from their Parlia- 
mentary duties, and at Hinchingbrooke those who had 
in the beginning " trod awry," received the news of 
the King's execution with sorrow, doubt, and mis- 
giving for the future. 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., June 7, 1648. 

2 Lady Fanshaw's Memoirs (edition of 1907), p. 48. 

3 For a list of officers who were pilloried, see Clement Walker's History of 
Independency, i. 166. 

4 His name appears in John Wright's list of the Commons on July II, 1648 
(E. 454, No. 17). The list of secluded members is given in the Somers 
Tracts, vi. 37. The list of the Council of Officers, printed in the Clarke 
Papers (vol. ii.), show that Mountagu had no hand in the work of 1648. 




"Your faithful subject I, a gentleman 
Born in Northamptonshire." 


FOR many months after the King's death Edward 
Mountagu took no part in public affairs. Down at 
Hinchingbrooke he lived the ordinary life of a country 
gentleman, a life as quiet as might be in those 
dubious times, when men were engaged in saving 
their homes from the attacks of the new government. 
A suspicion of royalism was fatal ; in several cases 
estates had been sequestrated, and the lives of their 
owners hung in the balance. " We must take heed 
what we write and what we say," wrote Mountagu's 
father-in-law ; " you will therefore expect no great 
newes." So the letter gives us little : 

"I pray you," says Crew, "attend my Lord Moun- 
tagu, and by way of discourse try if he would let 
Barnwell Castle, till some other house might be bought 

1 Authorities: S. R. Gardiner, Commonwealth and Protectorate (the small 
edition), and C. H. Firth's Last Years of the Protectorate; Thurloe's State 
Papers (edited by T. Birch, 1742); J. S. Corbett, England in the Mediter- 
ranean. The Thomason Tracts contain much that is of use in tracing 
Mountagu's career, and the Carte MSS. begin to be of the greatest service. 
For the later part of the chapter, Guizot's Richard Cromwell (Scoble's trans- 
lation) has been used, especially the Bordeaux letters, printed as an appendix 
to the work. Mountagu's journal begins in 1654, and is referred to as 
Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. Other authorities are given in the footnotes. 



or provided. My Lady Pickering (whose judgment I 
much value) said 'tis not a great house, except the 
great chambers, and that it hath accommodation of 
pasture and common. It stands neare my daughter's 
nursery and Tom's estate, and not far from you, which 
are all advantages." 1 

This letter from John Crew is the only one which 
gives us a glimpse of the care exercised, and of 
Mountagu's family life during a period of the gravest 
anxiety. For not only was he in some danger, but 
he was without employment just at the time his family 
increased. He had already one son, Edward, and 
one daughter, Jemima, and now two more children 
were born to him. 2 Concerning Mountagu's public 
life hardly a word can be found, though his papers 
indicate that he was still acting as a Commissioner 
for his county. 3 He was evidently careful, as his 
father-in-law advised, of what he said or wrote ; but 
it seemed to be common knowledge that " he did not 
greatly approve of beheading the King, or change of 
the government." 4 That he criticized the policy of 
the regicides, and the length to which they went, may 
be gleaned from Cromwell's letter to Wharton : " Let 
not your engaging too far upon your own judgments 
be your temptation or snare," wrote the General. And 
he added : " It is in my heart to write the same things 
to Norton, Mountagu, and others : I pray you read 
or communicate these foolish lines to them." 5 But 
Mountagu had at least one friend to speak for him ; 
for his brother-in-law, Gilbert Pickering, was one of 

1 Carte MSB., 223, f. 166 : Crew to Mountagu, April 17, 1651. 

2 Paulina, born February 19, 1649 ; Sydney, July 28, 1650. Edward was 
born January 3, 1648, and Jemima was born February i8 : 1646. 

8 Carte MSS., 74, f. 141. 

4 Harleian Miscellany, iii. 478 : The characters of Cromwell's Upper 
* Carlyle's Cromwell, Letter cxlvi. 


those who stood by Cromwell during the whole of 
this troublous period, and was one of the first to offer 
Cromwell an increase of power. 

For a time Mountagu was faced by the dilemma 
of refusing public service, or of seeing the destinies 
of England moulded by other hands. During his 
period of retirement the affairs of the country moved 
apace. The House of Lords was swept away with 
the monarchy. Cromwell had conquered Ireland, 
turned upon Scotland, and driven the Scots before 
him at Dunbar. He had won the battle of Worcester, 
and by this crowning mercy, as he called it, he de- 
stroyed the Royalist army. When the country was 
safe from Stewart intrigue, there came the need for 
a time of restoration. The whole social order was 
overturned. Estates had changed hands, and numbers 
of men were ruined; "the relations of landlord and 
tenant, of debtor and creditor, were complicated by 
unforeseen calamities ; the prisons of London were 
crammed with poor debtors, and the country swarmed 
with beggars." 1 The press was licentious; a more 
ribald paper than Mercurius Democritus it would be 
hard to find. There was no settled government to 
cope with the problems which confronted England. 
Men had discovered that a republic was not made 
by simply decapitating a monarchy, and no man 
knew what the government was to be a monarchy 
with one of the young Stewarts ; a republic, such as 
the extremists wanted; or Cromwell's "settlement" 
of " somewhat with monarchical power in it." 

The country for its present needs could only look 
to two authorities the army and the Parliament. The 
latter was but a remnant, small and ineffective, and 
firm in its greed for office. Such security as England 

1 Firth, Cromwell, p. 304. 


had was the gift of the army, and Cromwell and his 
soldiers were in no mood for delays in reconstruction 
while Parliament wrangled for three months over a 
single word. This " was not the reign of the Saints, 
to whom the Earth has been given by God." 1 The 
Council of Officers clamoured for the instant expulsion 
of the members, but Cromwell bided his time. At 
length the Parliament began a Bill for a New Repre- 
sentative. The bill, such as it was, meant the per- 
petuation of the Rump. The army would have none 
of it. "A pitiful remedy," said Cromwell, and pro- 
ceeded first to cajole, then to enforce a better way. 
Since the Rump rejected his overtures, his will must 
needs be enforced, and on an April morning Crom- 
well, Harrison, and a posse of musketeers, went 
down to the House, turned out the members, and 
locked the door upon the last remnant of the old 

Cromwell's drastic action was popular, and, feeling 
that he had the country at his back, he endeavoured 
to call into being such a Parliament as would be 
acceptable to it. With the help of his Council 
of Officers, and on advice from the Independent 
ministers, he nominated an assembly. " Divers 
persons fearing God, and of approved fidelity and 
honesty," ran the summons, " are by myself, with the 
advice of my Council of Officers, nominated." In all, 
140 writs were issued, and scrutinized by the Puritan 
congregations. On July 4, 1653, the new Parliament 
assembled at the Council Chamber, and listened to 
Cromwell's exhortation. 2 Much was demanded of the 
members. The public press sent up its prayers : 
11 0, that they may be Moses's for meekness ; 
Joshua's for courage ; Samuel's for uprightness ; 

1 Carte MSS. y 114, f. 230. 2 Carlyle's Cromwell, Speech i. 


David's for God's favourites ; and for figuring out 
the coming of Christ. Solomon's for wisdom, and 
Workers for God's latter temple ! Daniel's for dis- 
cerning the days we live in ; and Nehemiah's for 
activity, and builders of the walls of Jerusalem." 1 

In this Parliament the Barebones, as it was after- 
wards called Edward Mountagu was Member for 
Huntingdon. 2 At twenty-eight years of age he re- 
sumed his public life, and once more took a prominent 
part in affairs. Cromwell was not unmindful of their 
old associations, and plunged Mountagu straight into 
administrative work. He was given lodgings at 
Whitehall, and on July 14 his name was added to 
the Council of State. 3 A few days later he was placed 
on the Committee to consider Public Debts, Bribery, 
and Fraud, and on the Committee for the Advance- 
ment of Learning. He was made a Commissioner for 
Customs. Two divisions indicate that he was not 
one of the extremists. He was teller for the " Yeas " 
when it was voted that the Countess of Derby be 
admitted to a composition that is, pay a fine as a 
Royalist delinquent and he again told for the " Yeas " 
when an Act of Oblivion was voted for Viscount 
Mansfield. 4 When the Council was re-elected on 
November i, Mountagu received fifty-nine votes. 5 
He was then placed upon the Committee for Foreign 
Affairs. During the last days of this brief Parliament 

1 The Armies' Scout, .213, No. 25. 

2 His colleague was Stephen Phesaunt. Up to June 17 it looks as though 
Mountagu alone were chosen. See the Faithful Post, E. 213, No. 37. 

* Cal. S. P., Dom., July 7 and 14. 

4 Commons' Journals, October 12. See also Carte MSS., 228, f. 4. 

5 Carte MSS., 74, ff. 113-116. The names of the Council are printed 
elsewhere ; this MS. list is curious in view of the various spellings of 
Mountagu's name. Here, for the only time, he has added an e. On 
f. 116 is a pencil note in his hand : "Richard Foote at the White Beare in 
Watlinge Street, informant. Joseph Sawier at the 3 crownes in the Powltry, 


he was made Lord President of the Council of State, 
and remained in that office until the dissolution. 1 

The Barebones Parliament had a short life, for it 
was a house divided against itself. The religious zeal 
of some of the members was excessive, and provocative 
of conflict. Such men as Fleetwood, Sydenham, 
Anthony Ashley Cooper, Pickering, and Mountagu, 
desired a quiet restoration of the country. 2 Opposed 
to them was a faction led by Major-General Harrison, 
such men as John Ireton, and Praise-God Barbon, 
whose hope was to bring about, through Parliament, 
the Kingdom of God upon earth. In vain Cromwell 
attempted to conciliate the Fifth Monarchy men ; out- 
side the House they preached the establishment of a 
Mosaic code of law, and the abolition of all existing 
institutions. They looked for the instant government 
of the Saints in an England purged, if necessary, by 
fire and sword. Cromwell's attempts at propitiation 
were vain. 3 In Parliament they hampered all business, 
and brought government to a deadlock. If the work 
of reconstructing the social order was to go forward, 
the other members realized that the House must first 
be cleared of this faction. The moderates convened 
a secret meeting, decided on a plan of action, and on 
December 12 carried their plan into execution. They 
went down to the House, contrived to pass a resolution 
upon their own unfitness, and delivered into Cromwell's 
hands the power which they had received from him. 
The minority sat still, protesting that they were called 
of God to that place, and that their call was for 
promoting the interest of Jesus Christ. Since the 
entreaties of two officers would not move them, two 

1 CaL S. P., Dom., November 6, 8, and 30. 

2 Brit. Mus. t E. 669, f. 19, No. 3, has the list of members, with an asterisk 
affixed to those who were for a Godly Parliament. 

" Commonwealth and Protectorate ', ii. 32 1 . 
VOL. I. 6 


files of musketeers were brought in, and the remnant 
of yet another Parliament was expelled from the 
House. 1 

With this summary dissolution the work of " healing 
and settling," as Cromwell phrased it, fell more into 
the hands of Oliver and his Council, with the army 
at their backs. "He hath as much or more power 
as any King hath formerly had," said an observer; 
" the militia is solely in his hands." 2 On December 16, 
amid the ringing of bells, the rattle of muskets, and 
roar of cannon, he was installed as Lord Protector 
of the Commonwealth, and conducted in state to 
Westminster. The streets were lined with troops, 
and guards of horse and foot were placed about 
Westminster Hall. The Judges and Barons wore 
their robes, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen their 
scarlet gowns. A long line of coaches preceded the 
Protector on his way from Whitehall. 3 Cromwell 
was dressed simply, in a black suit and cloak, but his 
six-horsed coach, his life-guards, and the officers in 
uniform who walked beside him, showed that the first 
Protectorate had " somewhat of monarchy in it." 
Parliament was quietly relegated to a second place 
in national affairs. 

This was the parting of the ways, and many left the 
new track. The government of the country passed 
more than ever into the hands of Cromwell and his 
most faithful adherents. The new charter, England's 
sole attempt at a rigid constitution, was known as the 
Instrument of Government, and was fashioned by the 
army. The Protector was aided by a Council of State 
a powerful executive wholly independent of Parlia- 

1 A True Narrative, E. 724, No. II ; Thurloe, State Papers, i. 637. 

2 Carte MSS., 103, f. 198, December 19, 1653. 

3 The Faithful Scout t E. 222, No. 30. 


ment. Many of the members were the old Independent 
Colonels, and Edward Mountagu was one of those 
nominated. The fifteen members were, most of them, 
well known to him ; Henry Cromwell, Skippon, 
Sydenham, and Gilbert Pickering, were all bound to 
him by ties of fellowship or marriage. In this 
honourable position Edward Mountagu's importance 
and experience were gradually enlarged ; he was put 
on the Commission for the Treasury, and he and 
Anthony Ashley Cooper reported on the state of the 
Public Debt. 1 With Lambert, Disbrowe, Sydenham, 
and Mackworth, he was set to consider the fittest way 
of bringing in money, and was told off to have special 
care of the management of the Treasury. 2 His work 
led to a definite appointment. He was made a Com- 
missioner of the Treasury on August 3, and enrolled 
in November. For this charge he received a yearly 
stipend of 1,000. 3 In addition to the Treasury work, 
he was, as Councillor, inundated with petitions and 
minor business. One petitioner hoped for success, 
"not doubting," he says to Mountagu, "but that you 
are a partaker of the same spirit of pity which was in 
Jesus Christ." 4 Among other things he had to rescue 
Lady Anne Blount from an importunate suitor, who 
was a Papist. 5 He took his turn at entertaining the 
Dutch and the French Ambassadors, and he was on 
the Committee " about a model of the Protector's 
family." 6 His attendances at Council show him as an 
active member of the executive. So varied was his 
work that one of the few political squibs in which 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., February 3. 

2 Ibid., February 10, 1654. 

3 His grant is in Carte MSS., 74, f. 423. He had already ,1,000 a year 
as Member of the Council. 

4 Carte MSS., 74, f. 121. 5 Cal. S. P., Dom., April 1 8. 
6 Ibid., March 2, 22, and 28. 


Mountagu was named, depicted him as a continual 
learner of some new business. " They make me play 
at a game I never saw plaid at in my life," he is made 
to complain; " I must needs lose." 1 

In addition to his administrative work, Mountagu 
again represented his county in Parliament. The 
elections were fought with intense bitterness, the 
Royalist and Republican candidates making a great 
endeavour to carry certain strongholds. Under the 
Instrument of Government, the distribution of seats was 
such that the eastern counties obtained very liberal 
treatment ; Huntingdon had a borough member, and 
three members for the shire ; and, as may be imagined, 
the town was not free from disturbance. One of the 
candidates was Valentine Walton, a hot-head who had 
remained in the Rump Parliament and voted for the 
execution of the King. Like most of the ardent 
Republicans, he hated Cromwell with as much violence 
as he had hated Charles, and opposed Mountagu with 
great vigour. There were riots at the hustings. Two 
of the Mountagu supporters averred " that, in going up 
to give their voyce," Walton's men struck them, and, if 
certain persons had not defended them, would have 
done greater injury. 2 Violence did not prevail, and 
Edward Mountagu was returned. 3 But the elections 
all round East Anglia proved that unrest and discon- 
tent were rife. At Peterborough one of the candidates 
was denounced as a swearer, a drunkard, and one who 
favoured and kept company with Cavaliers. There 
were stories from Ely of corrupt clerks and noisy 

1 A Game of Picquet (Thomason Tracts, E. 983, No. 9). Printed mJfist. 
MSS. Comm.: Marquess of Bath's MS S., ii. 115. 

2 Carte MSS., 74, f. 89. 

3 The members returned for the shire were Edward Mountagu, Henry 
Cromwell of Ramsey, and Stephen Phesaunt of Upwood. For the town 
John Barnard was member (Willis, Notitia Parliamentaria}. A perfect list 
of members, approved by the Council, is in Brit. Mus., 669, f. 19, No. 8. 



drunkards who surrounded the poll, to the exclusion 
of qualified voters. Counter petitions and allegations 
were heard on all sides, and a new spirit of opposi- 
tion was manifested in the heart of the Cromwell 
country. 1 

The discontent with Cromwell's rule, which was 
patent at the elections, became still more obvious when 
Parliament met. The opening ceremony, with its 
" phylacteries and fringes of state," recalled the days 
of the Stewarts, and called forth a pamphlet, privately 
circulated, and entitled A Declaration of the Freeborn 
People of England, now in Arms against the Tyrranie 
and Oppression of Oliver Cromwell, Esquire. 2 Foreign 
Ambassadors watched the turn of events with a cynical 
eye, and awaited the inevitable cleavage. Parliament 
soon showed that among its members there were 
many stout critics of Cromwell's rule. The parties 
divided over a burning question; for while the Pro- 
tectorate was making an endeavour to straighten 
matters at home, it had undertaken a forward foreign 
policy, and had to meet the bill. " There were some 
who would keep up a foreign quarrel in order to keep 
up the army," wrote Bordeaux to Brienne. 3 And when 
the cost of the army and the navy came up, the quarrel 
ripened. Mountagu represented the Protector, and John 
Birch, the Member for Leominster, led the Opposition. 
Birch proposed reductions in the pay of the army, 
and consequent economies in finance. Under his 
scheme the navy would have lacked proper provision, 
and the army would have been reduced in numbers 
and in pay. Mountagu, as a Treasury Commissioner, 
was set by Cromwell to answer Birch. His first con- 
siderable batch of papers deals fully with the whole 

1 Cat. S. /*., Doin.> August 19 and 23. 

3 Brit. Mus., 669, f. 19, No. 70. 3 Carte MSS., 114, f. 222. 


business. On December 4 he laid his statement before 
Parliament, and the Bodleian Library contains the 
notes for his speech. His collection of charges for the 
army and navy is endorsed, " This is as we would 
do for the future." 1 But his opponent's scheme, which 
took the form of a temporary grant, made a great 
impression upon the House, and was carried on 
December 16, with Mountagu as a teller for the " Noes," 
and Birch for the "Yeas." 2 That was not the final defeat 
of Cromwell's adherents. A month later an attempt 
was made to vest the militia in the Protector and 
Council, and again Mountagu was teller for the losing 
side. 3 Two such defeats upon what Cromwell regarded 
as "fundamentals," money and the militia, brought 
him down to the House. He chid those members who 
preferred " having of their will though it be their 
destruction, rather than comply with things of neces- 
sity." 4 And since it was not for the profit of these 
nations, he declared, nor fit for the common and public 
good, for such men to continue there, another Parlia- 
ment was sent about its business. 

The consequence of this abrupt dissolution was a 
further concentration of power in the hands of Crom- 
well. The country was condemned to a new scheme, 
parcelled out among his Major-Generals, and governed 
by ordinance. The newspapers were censored till 
they " had so little as they hardly weighed the 
postage." Alehouses and gaming-houses were sup- 
pressed ; idlers and swearers had a short shrift ; horse- 

1 Carte MSS., 74, ff. 56-75, andf. 112, which is endorsed "A computation 
of my own upon the same grounds as Col. Birch's." 

2 Commons' Journals, December 16. 

3 Ibid., January 16 (1655). 

4 Carlyle's Cromwell, Speech, iv. Gardiner, Commonwealth and Pro- 
tectorate, iii. 236, etc., deals fully with the financial question. The volume 
of Carte MSS. 74 contains many of Mountagu's financial papers. Volume 223, 
f. 1 68, has his memorandum on the Customs. 

i6 55 ] ROYALIST PLOTS 87 

racing, cock-fighting, and bear-baiting, were forbidden ; 
though Cromwell was in reality no spoil-sport, but 
such gatherings had proved an excuse for seditious 
meetings. 1 His informants were on the watch, and 
the country became an uneasy place for the Royalist. 
There were innumerable plots against the Protector's 
life, innumerable threats of uprisings. Opposition to 
Oliver's rule grew steadily, and Cavalier and Republican 
alike schemed against the common enemy. Even in 
Huntingdon, in the very heart of the Protector's 
country, there were dissensions and disturbances. The 
letters which Mountagu received, gave him an inkling 
of what was going on. A parson at Eynsbury, one 
Nightingale, was reported a great Royalist, and a 
wondrous busy man for promoting the Common 
Prayer Book. 2 There was trouble, also, over the 
newly-raised militia. The men were chosen from 
Cromwell's supporters, and Mountagu used his local 
influence to obtain recruits. But the anti-Cromwellian 
party endeavoured to sow the seeds of discontent. 
When Mountagu's officer had enlisted some sixty, " the 
envious partie," swelled with spite, spread disaffection 
among them, " asking them why they would be listed 
to march up and downe in England, have pay when 
they could get it, and at last be sent into the 
Barbadoes." 3 Another phase of disaffection was seen 
at St. Ives, where a Royalist, Captain Walden, was 
selling his estate, and declaring that he and his party 
were but slaves, but it would not always be so. 
Trunks, hampers, and casks, containing arms and 
ammunition, were smuggled into the country as 

1 Firth's Cromwell, p. 353, where it is emphasized that ordinary sports 
were allowed. See also the same writer's article on Cronnvdfs Views on 
Sport (Macmillan's Magazine, 1894). 

2 Carte MSS., 74, f. 31 : John Turner to Mountagu. 
8 Ibid., 74, f. 39 : Robert Baker to Mountagu. 


household goods. 1 The Cavaliers, so Mountagu was 
told, were often meeting to hatch their plots. The 
Quakers, too, said his informant, were spreacnng in 
the county. They had great meetings, called ' ' disputes," 
generally on the Sabbath, as other people "are attending 
upon the Lord on that day." And the writer concluded, 
there is so much lukewarmness, or even sullenness, that 
these things pass almost unnoticed. 2 

This letter to Mountagu, written from St. Ives, gives 
a glimpse of the state of affairs in his own county. 
" We must submit to God in the severall places where 
he has sett us," the letter ends, with an added regret 
that, at this juncture, Mountagu was set in London. 
But he was engaged there upon the routine of 
administrative work. Petitions lay " without life or 
motion at the pool of Bethesda, till the waters be 
stirred." 3 A forgotten relation, James Mountagu, of 
Lackham in Wiltshire, begged his intercession against 
some justices who accounted themselves superlative 
to the Courts at Westminster, and thereby evinced 
" unjustfulness " towards James himself, and "stomach- 
fulness" against my Lord Protector. 4 Then Frances, 
Countess of Rutland, addressed her honoured cousin, 
Colonel Mountagu. She had obtained leave from the 
Protector, through Elizabeth Pickering, to make some 
alterations at Belvoir. But when every addition to a 
Royalist's home was looked upon as a fortification, 
Cromwell's sheriff regarded her work as an attempt to 
turn Belvoir into a " terrible," rather than a useful 
habitation, and threatened to pull it down. Lady 
Rutland protested that the new building was "not 

1 Rawlinson MSS., A. 36, f. 643. 

2 Carte MSS., 74, f. 98 : Griffith Lloyd to Mountagu. 
:? Ibid., 74, f. 100: Sir Dudley North to Mountagu. 

4 Ibid.) 74, f. 47 ; also ff. 25, 27. James Mountagu was the third son of 
the first Earl of Manchester. 

i6 5 s] FOREIGN POLICY 89 

castle- wise"; the walls are what the workmen call 
"paper." Mountagu's influence at Council prevailed, 
and she quietly carried through her alterations. 1 In 
addition to his routine work, Mountagu, with White- 
locke and Strickland, took part in the reception of the 
Swedish Ambassador, when all London turned out to 
gaze at the soldiers, the outriders, and the gilt coaches, 
lit up by a blaze of torches. 2 This was in July, and 
thenceforward Mountagu's loyalty to Cromwell was 
rewarded by a constant advance in position and 
confidence. In September he was appointed Forester 
of Leyton Walk in Waltham Forest; 3 a month later 
he was added to the Admiralty Committee. 4 The 
appointment was a prelude to his first work at sea, 
when he set out to take part in the war with Spain. 

His experience at the Council-table had given 
Mountagu an insight into the working of the Protector's 
foreign policy. The unrest which was caused by 
Cromwell's rule, and the insecurity of his power at 
home, could not dim the brilliance of his fame abroad. 
He had raised England to an ascendant position 
among the European nations, and was looked upon 
as the champion of the Protestants much, indeed, as 
Henry IV. of France had once been regarded. The 
persecuted Vaudois found in Cromwell a ready helper. 
One nation after another recognized his rule and sent 
Ambassadors to court him. The Dutch War was 

1 Carte MSS., 74, f. 330. The Countess's letter of thanks for friendship 
and counsel is 223, f. 147. In Hist. MSS. Comm., Report XII., appendix, 
part v., p. 4, there is a memorandum of heraldic designs for certain windows 
at Belvoir. 

2 Carlyle's Cromwell, ii. 457. 

3 Carte MSS., 74, f. 62: Grant to Edward Mountagu, Esquire, ... of 
the offices of Keeper or Forester of Laighton Walk in Waltham Forest ; and 
Woodward and Keeper of Walwood and Hamforth in Essex. Fees paid on 
induction, 12 175. 4d. 

4 Cat. S. P., Dom., October 24, 1655. 


brought to a successful issue ; Sweden, Denmark, and 
Portugal, signed commercial treaties ; and eventually 
an alliance with France put the crown upon a series 
of diplomatic successes. But with Spain, though the 
merchants desired it, Cromwell would have no peace. 
The Spaniard, said he, was our natural enemy. " He 
is naturally so throughout, by reason of that enmity 
that is in him against whatsoever is of God." l And so 
the Spaniard must be harassed, and from the Mediter- 
ranean to the West Indies, Cromwell's soldiers and 
sailors were sent to win territory and to capture the 
Spanish silver fleets. 

It was in the war against Spain that Mountagu began 
that connexion with naval affairs which lasted until 
his death. The first entries in his journal show that 
he at once sought acquaintance with naval administra- 
tion, and determined to master sailing and fighting 
instructions. 2 He was at the Council-table when the 
expedition against Jamaica was discussed, and has left 
an interesting account of the debate. Dotted with the 
penmarks of a listener, the paper gives an outline of 
the duel fought upon the expediency of the attack 
between the Protector and Lambert. 3 The autumn of 
1655 saw Mountagu a Commissioner of the Admiralty, 
and on January 2, 1656, he was appointed joint com- 
mander of the fleet with Robert Blake. 4 The loyalty 

1 Carlyle's Cromwell, Speech v. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., pp. 1-45. These are extracts, the first 
dated August 16, 1652, copied by a secretary from the records of the Council 
of State, etc. ; they deal with stores and pay. Mountagu has made a few 
entries on sailing directions. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., pp. 49-57- Printed in Clarke Papers, 
vol. iii., Appendix B. 

4 The appointment was, of course, largely political. Blake had expressed 
a desire for a colleague, owing to his own ill-health. There was considerable 
discontent and disloyalty to the Protector in the fleet. It was essential that 
Cromwell should have someone in command whose fidelity was proved, and 
who was in his confidence. Mountagu had proved his attachment, and could 



From a portrait by Jiuysmans 

To face p. 90 of Vol. I 

i6 5 6] MOUNTAGU AT SEA 91 

of Blake to the Commonwealth was above suspicion ; 
for political intrigue he had no stomach ; he was set 
there to harass the Spaniard, and had thoughts only 
for his work. But there were those under him not as 
loyal. Spanish gold had alienated some of the men, 
and royalist intrigue was busy with any possible 
convert. The Vice-Admiral, John Lawson, refused to 
go to sea without some knowledge of the design, and 
many of the captains were his creatures. They and 
the seamen were discontented because Lawson was 
not made a General-at-Sea, and there was among them 
some danger of a revolt. 1 It was for Blake and 
Mountagu to purge the fleet before a start could be 
The Generals-at-Sea joined the ships in February, 

be trusted with Cromwell's secrets. On grounds other than political the 
appointment bears examination. Among the seamen none was suitable. 
Monck was wanted elsewhere ; Disbrowe had no more experience than 
Mountagu ; Lawson was unfaithful to the Protector ; Penn was the only man 
who was a seaman by service, and he was of no political weight at this 
juncture. None of the army men had any more experience of the sea than 
Mountagu ; his career in the army was creditable for so young a man, and one 
soldier at sea was as good as another. A civilian would have been still more 
unsuitable. Mountagu's brief tenure of a commissionership must have given 
him some insight into administration, and familiarized him with Blake's needs 
(see Carlyle, Letter ccii.). 

The suggestion that Blake opposed the appointment rests on very slender 
evidence. The two Admirals differed upon the question of Meadows and his 
work, and these differences may have been the quarrels to which the Venetian 
Ambassador refers (see Commonwealth and Protectorate, iv. 229, 239). 
Mountagu's letters do not show traces of any serious disagreement, and there 
is no evidence that he made any complaint to Cromwell, though the circum- 
stances of his appointment would have justified it. On the other hand, 
Blake's letters to Mountagu are decidedly such as would be written to a man 
who had proved himself a friend, and on whom it was possible to rely. 
(Sandwich MSS., Letters, vol. i., ff. I, 3; see also Blake to Cromwell, 
Thurloe, v. 452). 

Blake, Popham, Deane, Monck, Disbrowe, Penn, and Mountagu were the 
only men who bore the rank of Generals-at-Sea. Of these, Penn was the only 
one who was a seaman born and bred (see Granville Penn, Memorials of 
Sir William Penn, i. 520). The salary was ,1,095 a year. 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., February 21, March 4 ; Carte, Original Letters, ii. 103. 


and hoisted their flag in the Naseby. 1 The task of 
clearing out the grumblers was simplified by Lawson's 
resignation. 2 But the captains and seamen had definite 
grievances, and complained that they were ill-paid, 
and their wives and children were neglected. One 
fellow, more bold than the rest, followed Lawson's 
example, and refused to sail until it was made clear 
what design the English were upon. Mountagu soon 
took the man to task. " The sole enemy in view was 
the Spaniard," said he ; " to infest him was our work ; 
but in what place concerned not him, who was to obey 
commands, and not to weigh designes." 3 One of the 
dissentient captains gave up his commission, and two 
others were put ashore. 4 Gradually the tone of the 
men improved, and the fleet was ready to sail. A 
move was made from the Downs into St. Helen's Road. 
Provisions for several months were put on board, and 
on March 15 the vessels began their voyage down the 
Channel. 6 

After a month's sailing the fleet passed through the 
Bay of Biscay, and arrived off Cadiz, too late to inter- 
cept the Spanish galleons. But the Generals-at-Sea 
had important work to engage their attention. Crom- 
well was considering a permanent station in the 
Mediterranean where our fleets could water and 
take in provisions, and which, if made tenable, would 
be an advantage to us. 6 He suggested Gibraltar, and 
it was upon this expedition, under Blake and Mountagu, 
that the true significance of the Gibraltar defile was 
first clearly recognized. 7 It was on May 13 that 

1 Thurloe, State Papers, iv. 545. Blake joined on February 19, and 
Mountagu on February 20. 

i Cal. S. P., Dom., February 21 ; Carte, Original Letters, ii. 88. 

3 Thurloe, iv. 571. * Ibid., iv. 589, 594. 6 Ibid., iv. 614. 

8 Carlyle's Cromwell, Letter ccx. 

7 Corbett, England in the Mediterranean, chap, xviii. 


Mountagu took a frigate and viewed the place. He 
made a drawing of the bay and of the town, and took 
the soundings of the harbour. Then he noted the 
strength of the fortifications, and decided on a point 
where soldiers might creep. 1 But, with memories 
of Lincoln in his mind, he hesitated. Here was 
a place an hundredfold more difficult, and the 
men were neither " well formed " nor officered. 
" Seamen," he said, " were not for land - service, 
unless it be a sudden plunder." But on second 
thoughts he added : " I perceive much desire that 
Gibraltar should be taken : my thoughts as to that are 
in short these : that the likeliest way to get it is by 
landing on the sand and quickly cutting it off between 
sea and sea ; or soe to secure our men there, so that 
they may hinder the entercourse of the town with the 
main ; frigotts lying near, too, to assist them. And it 
is well known that Spayne never victualleth any place 
for [more than] one month. This will want four 
or five thousand men, well formed and officered." 2 
On receiving Mountagu's report Cromwell agreed 
that " nothing was feasible without a good body of 
landmen." 3 But in less than half a century tactics 
similar to those which Mountagu outlined made the 
Rock into a British possession. 

While the attack upon Gibraltar was under discus- 
sion a letter arrived from the Protector, which hastened 
the fleet back to Lisbon. Under the Protector's treaty 
with Portugal, English seamen were allowed freedom 
of worship both in harbour and on shore, while 
50,000 was promised for compensation long due to 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal t i. 369-371. These pages contain his drawings 
of the place. 

2 Thurloe, v. 67-70. 

3 Carlyle's Cromwell, ii. 504. Their opinion was of course affected by the 
difficulty of discipline, a contrast to the new-modelled army. 


English merchants in Lisbon. But Portugal was slow 
in fulfilling her obligations, and Cromwell was in- 
tolerant of sloth. He sent out Philip Meadows to 
obtain the money, and bade the fleet demonstrate out- 
side Lisbon in order to enforce his demands. 1 Meadows 
was not only inclined to give Portugal time, but, when 
an attempt was made to wound or to assassinate him, 
he was not sufficiently insistent upon the honour of 
England. Neither was Blake, when the story was put 
before him, in any hurry to press for reparation ; but 
Mountagu, with all the ardour of a new-made Admiral, 
would have had Meadows disowned, and Portugal 
brought to her senses by an attack on the Brazil fleet. 
" I wish you would weigh your posture with that 
crowne," he wrote to Thurloe, " and let us understand 
your resolutions ; for if . . . the treaty is not agreed, 
and wee meete with his Brazil fleete before directions 
come from you to us, some of us would think an oppor- 
tunity lost, or in danger to be so." 2 

Mountagu's ardour was agreeable to the Protector, 
and in his next letter of instructions Cromwell sanc- 
tioned the use of force and an attempt on the Brazil 
fleet. He agreed with Mountagu that action should be 
taken before the bird had flown. 3 Thus supported by 
Cromwell, Mountagu urged Meadows to obtain a satis- 
factory agreement, and the fleet, to enforce it, rode 
outside the bar of Lisbon Harbour. But the money 
came in slowly, and, Meadows argued, none the quicker 
for the threat of the vessels. He complained that his 
haste gave offence to the Portuguese. " You may 
think I am too remiss, but all here think I am too 

1 Carte, Original Letters, ii. 102, 115; Carlyle, Cromwell, ii. 490; 
Thurloe, iv. 769 ; Commonwealth and Protectorate, iii. 78, and iv. 237. 

2 Thurloe, State Papers, iv. 699. 

3 Cromwell to Blake and Mountagu. Thurloe, iv. 768 ; Carlyle's Cromwell, 
Letter ccx. 

1656] IN THE STRAITS 95 

forward, and say I deale with them like negroes, as if 
they had neither faith nor honour." Eventually the 
silver was shipped on board, and the envoy came, 
expecting thanks. Blake was satisfied, but Mountagu 
was not, and turned and rated Meadows. The Pro- 
tector was slighted, he said, both by the delay and by 
the attempt which had been made on Meadows's life. 
He wrote a letter to Thurloe, which burned with 
indignation for the dishonour done to Cromwell. But 
eventually, under the influence of his colleague, Moun- 
tagu's anger died down. On June 23 the Generals 
sailed for the Straits. 1 

The return of part of the fleet to the Mediterranean 
under Mountagu and Blake was for the purpose of 
finding a port which would serve us instead of Gib- 
raltar, a place " for watering and careening, in case we 
need it on a future occasion." The Admirals inspected 
Buzema and Tetuan, and Mountagu made various 
drawings of the coast-line, and seems to have been 
responsible for the reports. 2 " Let me add, by the 
way," he wrote to Thurloe, " that if we could find such 
a place ... it were of unspeakable advantage to Eng- 
land to have a fort and possession thereof." 3 He 
insisted on a policy which made him eager for Tan- 
gier when the opportunity of acquisition came to us 
a policy which was destined to replace the desire for 
Gibraltar. He saw that the moral effect of a Mediter- 
ranean squadron was considerable. " A dozen or 
fifteen sail of nimble frigates, kept in these seas con- 
stantly," he said, " will secure your Straits trade, 

1 Thurloe, v. 97, 106, 123, 124, 171. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, i. 372-374. As a general rule the reports were 
Mountagu's work. 

3 Thurloe, State Papers, v. 195. Failing Gibraltar, Mountagu suggested 
Tetuan, but his report was unfavourably received by the Levant Company 
(Cal. S. P., Dom., February 10, 1657). 


mischief the Spaniard most of all, and more probably 
light on his plate fleet than a greater number; and 
they will probably be always catching something or 
other to advantage, and the charge not so great to the 
nation at home ; and they have the benefit of Lisbon 
to careen and keep themselves always clean." 1 

The survey of the Mediterranean coast was made 
only by one division of the fleet, for the Vice-Admiral, 
Badiley, had been sent home in order to report and 
to obtain further provisions, and Rear-Admiral Stayner 
was sent to watch Cadiz. The weeks which the Naseby 
spent in cruising gave Mountagu most valuable experi- 
ence in seamanship. He had to endure terribly tem- 
pestuous weather, and constant indisposition was 
aggravated by the extreme roughness, but by the time 
the voyage was over he was in a fair way to become 
a practised seaman. His knowledge of mathematics 
helped him to understand navigation, and he had 
several perfectly rigged models, on which he would 
show his friends the working of a ship. During this 
cruise he absorbed many of the characteristics and 
expressions of the tarpaulin. In true sailor fashion 
he sent home varied presents " orange-flower water, 
oranges, lemons, parmazine, and tabee." This last, a 
kind of waved silk, came in for his nieces. " I was 
just going to buy my girls gownes," wrote Lady 
Pickering, in her letter of acknowledgment. " You 
have made them much finer than I should have done ; 
they present to you their humble dutie and thankes." 2 

When the few weeks' cruise was at an end, and 
Stayner was set to keep watch upon Cadiz, Blake and 
Mountagu sailed to Oeiras Bay in order to revictual 

1 Thurloe, v. 171 ; and^see Corbett, England in the Mediterranean, 

i- 331- 

- Sandwich MSS., Appendix, f. 125. 

1656] SANTA CRUZ 97 

their squadron. 1 The King of Portugal had forgiven 
the occasion of their former visit, and sent them " a 
person of quality with compliments and sweetmeats, 
and other fresh provisions." 2 The English Admirals 
were taking these on board, and cleaning and refitting 
their ships, when they obtained a vicarious success, 
for Stayner intercepted some Spanish galleons and 
made a fine capture. A galleon which contained two 
million pieces of eight, and a merchantman, richly 
laden, were prizes worth the having. " Blessed be his 
name," wrote Mountagu, " who hath looked upon the 
low condition of the nation, and hath turned the re- 
proaches of wicked men with shame upon their owne 
faces. Indeed, my heart is very much warmed with 
the apprehension of the singular providence of God in 
bringing this about." 3 

Up to the time of Stayner's success the war had 
been unprofitable, and it was now hoped that some 
recompense would be made. In any case the silver 
was a welcome addition to the Protectorate Treasury. 
Parliament received the news with joy, and ordered 
a day of thanksgiving. Cromwell had already sent 
orders for Blake to remain off the coast of Portugal 
while the great ships were sent in to winter. Mountagu, 
with his flag in the Naseby, brought them back, and 
in them the treasure. He arrived in England on 
October 28 ; a week later he took his seat in the new 
Parliament, and received the thanks of the House for 
his services. 4 The silver was put into ammunition 
waggons, and brought by road to the Tower. But the 
amount did not come up to expectations. Long before 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm.: Ley borne- Popham MSS., p. in. 

2 Thurloe, v. 421. 

3 Ibid., v. 433. See a similar letter in the Leybome-Popham MSS. 

4 Commons' Journals, November 4. A poem by Waller attributed all the 
glory to him instead of to Stayner. 

VOL. I. 7 


the silver came from Cadiz to Lisbon, thousands of 
pounds had gone into the pockets of Stayner's captains 
and seamen, and thousands more were taken in the 
heat of the fight. Neither Blake nor Mountagu could 
prevent this, and had to send home the residue. 
Mountagu felt this sorely, and complained about it, 
but was forced to make the best of what remained. 1 
His cargo was not inconsiderable. The cochineal was 
worth some 20,000, and the silver was valued at 
200,000. There were chests of wrought plate, cups 
and flagons, boxes of chocolate and drugs, bags of 
wool, an inlaid bedstead, and some fine tortoiseshell. 2 
The prizes were not Mountagu's only charge; he 
had with him the young Marquess of Baides, son 
of the Viceroy of Peru. The boy's father, mother, and 
sister, were killed during the fight, and he was left 
without parents or means. His fate enlisted Mountagu's 
sympathy, for the boy was "a most pregnant, in- 
genious, learned youth," and his story, says the 
Admiral, " the saddest that I have heard or read of to 
my remembrance." 3 Mountagu was able to converse 
with the boy in Latin, and plied him with questions. 
When he came to London he saw to the entertainment 
of the lad. Great preparations were made ; a bed of 
fine drapery which cost 50, " and more with a new 
coverlet," was bought. He was allowed the silver 
bedstead, and fine hangings were arranged for his 
reception-room. " That of Hero and Leander," wrote 
Lady Pickering, " has much sky and much sun, which 
are fading colours ; the Huntings are stronger colours, 
and are such as my Lady Claypole has in her drawing- 

i Thurloe, v. 509. 

* Clarke Papers, iii. 81, 82; Carte MSS., 73, ff. 28-35, and 74, f. 452. 
List of the prize goods in Creed's hand. 

3 Thurloe, v. 433. See also Carte MSS., 223, f. 174. Out of a "family" 
of thirty, only seven survived. 

i6 5 6] SAMUEL PEPYS 99 

room." l The hangings were to cost 100. The Council 
allowed 300 towards the little Marquess, and they 
authorized Mountagu to defray what was necessary 
from his own purse. The boy and his brother, who 
also survived, became favourites in the family. Even 
Cromwell unbent, and " expressed a tenderness of the 
young children." But they did not remain here long, 
and Mountagu was not put to great expense ; for the 
boys were exchanged for an English prisoner, a 
nephew of Robert Blake. 2 

Much of the business which concerned the young 
Marquess was done by a man whose association with 
Mountagu was momentous. It was in 1656 that his 
cousin, Samuel Pepys, first became an inmate of 
Mountagu's household. He was then a man of twenty- 
three, without means. Mountagu had generously 
helped him through his career at Cambridge, and 
eventually appointed him his secretary. There is no 
" Pepys room " at Hinchingbrooke, but in after years 
he and his wife recalled the days they spent there : 
" How she used to make coal fires, and wash my foul 
clothes with her own hand for me, poor wretch! in my 
little room at my Lord Sandwich's ; for which I ought 
for ever to love and admire her, and do, and persuade 
myself she would do the same thing again ; if God 
should reduce us to it." 3 

But God did not reduce them, and it is to 
Mountagu's lasting credit that he recognized the 
ability and faithfulness of his cousin; and as the 
Mountagu fortunes improved, so did those of Samuel 
Pepys. The Admiral was a true and generous patron, 
and was rewarded by a memorial such as few can 

1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 56, and 74, f. 355. 

2 Bodleian Library : Rawlinson MSS. , A. 62, f. I , contains the discharge of 
the ,300 for disbursements paid to S. Pepys. 

3 Pepys's Diary, February 25, 1667. 


boast. In the pages of the diary, " my Lord " is as 
prominent as the writer. From the first the relations 
of the two men were most intimate ; Pepys was in 
Mountagu's confidence over money matters, obtained 
the payment of his salary, and endeavoured to keep 
his patron's affairs out of a tangle during a most 
troublesome time. While Mountagu was in the 
country, Pepys looked after his home in London, and 
got into trouble for allowing one of the maid-servants 
to contract a secret marriage. He had another little 
brush with his patron over the prize-chests which 
came from Spain ; for a chest of valuable glass got into 
the wrong hands, and Mountagu was evidently indig- 
nant. Though he hoped to lessen his honour's dis- 
pleasure, wrote Pepys, he was fain to protest that he 
could not remember every chest's lading. 1 From 
London, too, Pepys executed various commissions for 
Hinchingbrooke. He sent down all manner of things 
hats and caps, swords and belts, oranges, spurs, and 
razors, the black silk which was presented to mourners 
at a funeral, some Rhenish wine, two riding coats, "as 
handsome as the Monsieur can make them," and battle- 
dores and shuttlecocks for the children. From that 
time onwards nothing at Hinchingbrooke could be done 
without Sam Pepys. 

1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 59. This volume and another contain about twenty 
letters from Pepys, which were originally at Hinchingbrooke. The letters 
form the substance of an article on The Early Life of Pepys by C. H. Firth, 
Macmillaris Magazine, November, 1893. 

1657] "THE KINGLINGS" 101 


" Yet looks he like a King ; behold, his eye, 
As bright as is the eagle's, lightens forth 
Controlling majesty : alack, alack for woe, 
That any harm should stain so fair a show !" 


It was Pepys who, upon Mountagu's return, gave 
him scraps of political news. " The common vogue," 
he wrote, " is the old story of the Protector's king- 
ship." 1 The question had been quietly discussed 
while Mountagu was at sea, and, indeed, long before 
his going. 2 It was felt that Cromwell's position was 
but temporary, and there could be no consistent 
national policy while the constitution hung upon the 
thread of a single life. And when that life was 
threatened by assassination some settlement seemed 
more urgent. But though pamphleteers and speakers 
had declared for an hereditary Protectorate, they had 
shirked the question of the actual title. At length the 
new Constitution was designed, " a shoe fit for the 
foot of a monarch." Cromwell's Protectorate was 
made hereditary. But some advocated a further 
step. Early in 1657 many of the Council Disbrowe, 
Broghill, Mountagu, and others came forward to offer 
the crown to Cromwell, and to earn for themselves the 
nickname of the "kinglings." 3 Since every alteration 
was an opportunity for a burst of royalism or 
republicanism, they determined to make the Constitu- 
tion final, to prevent future change, and only to touch 
" one point in the government "; but that was a vital 
point. When all was said, monarchy had been a 
success under the Tudors, and it was in monarchy 

1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 49, November 27, 1656. 

2 C. H. Firth, Cromwell and the Crown: Eng. Hist. Review, July, 1902. 

3 Harleian Miscellany, iii. 463 : A Narrative of the Late Parliament, etc. 


that the ardent Cromwellian saw the salve for England's 
sores. In the spring of 1657 the adherents drew up a 
document, the Humble Petition and Advice. Back came 
the old order at a bound : the Monarchy, a Second 
Chamber, a Privy Council. The first step was made 
towards the Restoration. For if kingship were 
restored, legitimacy was bound to follow. On April 4 
it was voted that "this House doth adhere to the 
Petition." Mountagu was a teller for the "Yeas," and 
on the day following he was put upon the committee 
which discussed the matter with Cromwell. 1 After 
hearing the Protector's " doubts and scruples " there 
came a compromise ; and though the title was refused, 
Oliver accepted an hereditary Protectorate. On June 26 
the new Constitution was given formal acclamation, 
and Cromwell was installed with royal pomp. 

The ceremony took place in Westminster Hall. 
Under the great window stood a " chair of state," a 
throne, and carpeted steps. The Speaker of the 
House and all the members attended, sitting upon 
raised seats. Along the river from Whitehall came the 
Protector in his barge. His Highness was attended 
by his Council and the Commissioners of the Great 
Seal : the Judges, the Lord Mayor, the Aldermen, 
Garter King-at-Arms, the Earl of Warwick with drawn 
sw r ord, had every one his place in the royal pageant. 
While Ambassadors from the crowned heads of Europe 
looked on, Cromwell was presented with a robe of 
purple velvet, ermine-lined, a sceptre, and a sword, 
which the Speaker girt about him. On the steps 
below him stood Lisle, Mountagu, and Whitelocke, 
each with a drawn sword. Then came a proclamation 
by the heralds, and the man who had been a simple 
Huntingdonshire squire left the Hall, his long cloak 

1 Commons' Journals, April 4-9. 

From a portrait by Robert Walker 

To face p. 102 01 Vol. 

1657] THE NEW DYNASTY 103 

borne by train-bearers. The state coach which took him 
back to Whitehall was drawn by " horses of honour," 
heavily caparisoned. By its side were Cromwell's 
guards, and in the coach sat his son Richard, together 
with the Earl of Warwick, Whitelocke, Lisle, and 
Mountagu, with their drawn swords. 1 And, though 
they failed to see it thus, this was symbolical, for 
it was the sword which had brought Cromwell to his 
present estate, and it was the sword by which these 
men had compassed his crowning. All signs of 
republicanism were swept away, and a new monarchy, 
under another name, arose to rule England. From 
that time Edward Mountagu was unconsciously a 

He was soon called upon to serve the new dynasty. 
The debates upon kingship, and the splendour of the 
Protector's inauguration, had not diverted Cromwell's 
mind from foreign politics. For some months he had 
negotiated with Cardinal Mazarin, and had agreed to 
join in the war between France and Spain, and to aid 
in the attack upon the Spanish Netherlands. France 
was to take possession of Gravelines. The price which 
Cromwell asked for his assistance was the cession of 
Dunkirk and Mardyk. 2 After lengthy negotiations, it 
was decided that Mardyk should be first attacked, and 
Cromwell contributed 6,000 of his soldiers and a fleet 
sufficient to render assistance. 

The command of the fleet was given to Mountagu, 
who joined it some weeks before the ships were 
required off Mardyk. On July 17 he hoisted his flag 
in the Naseby, a vessel of eighty guns. The prow bore 
a figure of Cromwell " on horseback, trampling six 

1 Mercurius Politicus, June 26 ; Cromwelliana, p. 165 ; Cat. S. P., Dom., 
June 29. 

a For the campaign see Firth, Last Years of the Protectorate, chap. ix. 


nations under foot a Scot, Irishman, Dutchman, 
Frenchman, Spaniard, and English." 1 It was suitable 
that, from a ship so decorated, Mountagu should be 
in an aggressive temper. He was on the watch for 
contraband, and complained bitterly of the Dutch, who 
in supplying Spanish needs defied the laws of 
neutrality. He kept the traders along the coast in 
a constant state of panic, and paralyzed the trade of 
Dunkirk and Antwerp. 2 The Protector supported 
Mountagu's insistence upon the right of search, and 
his keenness in detecting contraband. 3 It was even 
suggested that Mountagu should later on attack the 
enemy in the Straits. But during his cruise in the 
Downs he heard of the death of Robert Blake, and the 
sad news no doubt unnerved him. Mountagu had had 
enough of the Straits at any rate for a year or so. 
" I think," he wrote, " that if I should goe soe longe or 
hott a voyage, I should not live to returne." 4 

On the day Mountagu wrote thus, he received word 
that the lengthy preparations for the attack on Mardyk 
were nearing completion. Marshal Turenne was 
approaching the place with a force of 20,000, and on 
September 1 1 Mountagu left the Downs in order to do 
his share of the business. He had first to shift his 
flag from the Nasebyto the London, for the latter vessel 
did not draw much more water than a third-rate, and 
a heavier ship could not ride safely in the shallow 
seas. 6 He then came within two leagues of Mardyk, 
and there awaited the French. Meanwhile he busied 
himself with the transport of the various stores. At 
length Turenne approached the coast, and com- 
municated with the Admiral. It was planned that, 

1 Evelyn's Diary, April 9, 1655. 

2 The Publick Intelligence , August 24, E. 505, No. 17. 

3 Thurloe, vi. 489. * Ibid.,\\. 502. 5 Ibid., vi. 508. 

1657] MARDYK 105 

while the French attacked the town, Mountagu should 
advance with the fleet, in order to create a diversion. 
Close to Mardyk there was a wooden fort, which 
jutted out seawards, and this was to be a target for the 
ships' cannon. In addition, Mountagu was requested 
to put off longboats with musketeers, " to play upon 
the sands, or any who quit the forts." Not until a 
given signal was Mountagu to open fire; the signal 
consisted of " three hats upon the points of three 
naked swords, the hats shall be two blacke, and a grey 
hat in the midst." 1 On September 19 the attack began. 
For three days Turenne dashed at the forts, and 
Mountagu battered them from the sea. The burden 
of attack lay upon the soldiers ; Mountagu's vessels 
merely played a modest, yet useful part. But he 
earned the Protector's thanks for his ready and 
vigorous assistance; "as nothing has been wanting on 
the Admiral's part," wrote Thurloe, " so nothing shall 
be wanting in his Highness." 2 On September 22 
Mardyk was taken, and the place was handed over to 
the English. For some time longer Mountagu remained 
off the coast, and superintended the repairing of the 
fort. 3 He also visited the famous Marshal Turenne. 4 
But beyond helping in the necessary arrangements for 
the reception of a garrison, Mountagu had no impor- 
tant work to do. He left the greater part of his fleet 
in the Downs, appointed a squadron of ships to lie 

1 Carte MSS., 223, f. 178 : Morgan to Mountagu ; f. 180 : Turenne to the 

2 Ibid. , 73, f. in: Thurloe to Mountagu. Other letters relating to 
Mardyk are 73, ff. 98, 102, 118, 122, 124, 126; and a list of stores is in 
74, f- 223. 

3 Sandwich MSS. : Letters, vol. i., f. 9. Printed in Carlyle's Cromwell, 
Letter ccxxiv. Carlyle's comments on the attempt to retake Mardyk are 
inaccurate, " Mountagu pouring death-fire on them from his ships," for by 
then Mountagu had returned to England. 

4 Thurloe, vi. 537. Two notes from Turenne are in Sandwich MSS. : 
Letters from Foreign Ministers, ff. 122, 123. 


before Mardyk, and returned home. On October 15 
he was back at Whitehall. 1 Nine days later he took 
the oath as Privy Councillor, and attended a few 
meetings. 2 He then went down to join his family at 

This visit of Mountagu's to his country home had in 
it something of the nature of a retirement. He was 
distrustful of the tide of affairs. The stability of the 
new Constitution was in question. Cromwell was 
faced by the hard task of choosing the new Upper 
House ; " not only a very great work," wrote his son 
to Mountagu, " but of that nature as will admitt of no 
repentance for the errors that may happen in it." 3 
The Protector's field of choice was limited ; seventeen 
years of civil war and revolution had decimated 
England. 4 And now he was to choose men "such 
as have never been against the Parliament, but are 
to bee men feareing God and of good conversation, 
and such as his Highnes shall be fully satisfyed in, 
both as to their interest, affection and integrity to the 
good cause. And wee judge here that this House so 
constituted will bee a great security and bullwarke to 
the honest interest, and to the good people that have 
been engaged therein, and will not bee soe uncertaine 
as the House of Commons which depends upon the 
election of the people." 5 

The idea of another House read well enough in the 
Constitution, but since the death of the old order it was 
a scheme beset with practical difficulties. The Protector 
had many anxious moments when he scanned the list 

1 Merctirius Politicus, October 15-22, E. 505, No. 33. 
' 2 Cal. S. P., Dom., October 24. 

3 Carte MSS., 73, f. 150: Henry Cromwell to Edward Mountagu, 
November 18. 

4 Last Years of the Protectorate, ii. 16. 

5 Clarke Papers, iii. 93 : Thurloe to Monck. 


of names, weighed and rejected. Since in the new 
Parliament freedom of election was restored, it was 
a difficult matter to select names without depleting the 
Lower House of Cromwellian supporters. There were 
those who were fit but unwilling, and those who were 
willing and expectant but not fit. 1 

So doubtful was Mountagu of the possibility of a 
satisfactory settlement that he made some suggestion 
of retiring to his " private concernments," and wrote 
to say so to his friend, Lord Broghill. " I conclude," 
wrote Broghill in reply, " the game our masters is to 
manage is either very desperate, that you give it over, 
or very certain, since you think it needs not your help." 
Mountagu was evidently fearful and irresolute. " That 
touch you give of the condition things are still in at 
London," continued Broghill, " makes Ireland seem a 
very happy place." 2 And as the weeks passed by 
Mountagu's anxiety increased. The old Council had 
been small, and loyal to Cromwell ; a greater number 
thrown into a position of importance boded danger ; 
it was hard to find seventy godly men left. Again 
Mountagu expressed his misgivings to an intimate 

" Scince my cominge from sea," he wrote, " I have 
obtained leave to see my sickly familye in the countrye 
where I yett remaine, and therefore cann give your 
Lordship little account of matters above, only I heare 
the list of the other house is every day expected, but 
heare nothing of the persons designed for it, but I 
make no doubt that your Lordshipp will have a list of 
them as soon as this letter. Truly the consequence of 
that affaire is very greate, and what the constitution 
will proove I cannot imagine, unlesse my melancholy 
feares should make mee suspect the worst, because I 
doubt divers whom I could (and I believe your Lord- 
shipp also) wish were of it, will not meddle, and noe 

1 Thurloe, vi. 648. 2 Ibid., vi. 622. 


doubt divers others will readily supply theire places ; 
I heartily wish it otherwise. My opportunityes with 
his Highnesse are not manye, nor is my judgment fitt 
to advise him, but I have not spared to speake as occa- 
sion hath been offered unto mee, and herein only I can 
boast that I have a heart true to the interest of the 
publique, and his Highnesse' person and familye, nor 
shall cease to promote the same to my power." 1 

This letter indicates that Mountagu had a certain 
hand in the work. " It will concern yourself and 
others who are well-wishers to the peace and pros- 
peritie of their country to keep close to his Honour at 
this juncture," wrote Henry Cromwell. 2 And Mountagu 
could help on this business while in the country. 
There was one man whom Cromwell desired for his 
Upper House, and that was Manchester, who was in 
retirement at Kimbolton. But Manchester, mindful 01 
past disagreements, had little cause to love the Pro- 
tectorate ; he had been in danger of his life for having, 
by accident, killed one of his servants, and he com- 
plained bitterly that the Government would not let 
him live in peace. 3 It was impossible to persuade him, 
and Mountagu was disappointed that Manchester re- 
fused to take his seat. There was among his rela- 
tions yet another man who was called, but would not 
be chosen, and that was John Crew. During Novem- 
ber, Mountagu was staying at his house in Lincoln's 
Inn Fields, and it may have been Crew who instilled 
some doubt into his mind. For John Crew was cautious, 
and at a critical time, when even the most highly 
placed were using cipher, he committed nothing to 

1 Brit. Mus.: Lansdownc MSS., 822, f. 292: Mountagu to Henry 
Cromwell, December 5, 1657 From Hinchingbrooke. A rough draft of the 
letter is in Carte MSS. t 73, f. 145. 

2 Carte MSB., 73, f. 150. 

3 Camden Society: Nicholas Papers, vol. iii., pp. 120, 216. 


paper. 1 Crew showed a disposition to " oppose 
tyranny," for which he had not earlier obtained full 
credit. 2 He, like Manchester, was summoned by Crom- 
well, and refused to take his seat. So that two men, 
such as Mountagu wished to see in the new House, 
would not meddle, and he distrusted those who were 
ready to take their places. He had grasped the fact 
that the Second Chamber needed the weight of tradi- 
tion, and that a body of new-made men in such high 
places would prove little more than a laughing-stock. 
He had heard from Thurloe at the time His Highness 
was considering the other House : " He hath of his 
great list extracted eighty, and these must goe through 
the furnace againe, and which will prove gold, and 
which drosse, a little time will show." 3 And Moun- 
tagu, by his manner, evidently feared the dross. 

When the writs for the Upper House were issued, 
Mountagu was at once informed that he had been made 
a Baron. 4 He took his seat, but his doubts concerning 
the new House were fully justified. When Parliament 
met, on January 20, it was soon seen that Cromwell's 
experiment was doomed to failure. The Commons 
debated and declaimed on powers and titles, and would 
have no commerce with the "Lords." They refused 
to be " the repairers of breaches, and the restorers of 

1 Thurloe, vi. 773. H. Cromwell to Broghill writes : "I cannot but think 
that 37 [Mountagu (?)] his presence in time had prevented much of what 
happened amiss, and hope that God will make him instrumental to mend 
what is passed. ... I am sorry that 38 [Manchester (?)] is retired, as well for 
the public as himself ; for it must be some great stroke that could make such 
an impression." 

2 Nicholas Papers, iii. 260. a Carte MSS., 73, f. 1 66. 

* Carte MS S., 73, ff. 174, 186. The last letter informs him that he and 
Richard Cromwell are appointed Colonels of Horse. The commission was 
sealed the week "you went hence, but is detained till you come to town." 
(Lord Jones to Lord Mountagu, December 22.) But the colonelcy does not 
appear to have been announced until September 16, 1658. See Cal. S. P., 
Dow . 


paths to dwell in." It was in vain that Oliver insisted 
to them that the new House was composed of men who 
valued neither titles nor party, " but a Christian and an 
English interest. Men of your own rank and quality," 
said he, " who will not only be a balance unto you, but 
a new force added to you, while you love England and 
religion." 1 The Commons were obdurate, and Crom- 
well solved their differences by dissolution. " Let God 
judge between mee and you, he said, to which end 
many of the Commons cryed, Amen." The House of 
Lords went with them, and had little of significance to 
show, except the unfilled places of its members. For 
when the House was called, Mountagu's father-in-law, 
brother-in-law, and cousin, were all missing. 2 Only 
one of them, Lord Pickering, eventually took his seat. 
Parliament or no Parliament, the business of the 
country went on. Cromwell was assured of the loyalty 
of the army and navy, and prepared to keep his weapons 
keen. So when the spring came, Mountagu, now the 
recognized chief of the Generals-at-Sea, found himself 
engaged in just such another business as in the past 
autumn. He had first to settle the stations of the ships 
for the summer's guard, and allot the stores. 3 On 
May 28 he went down to Chatham in order to view the 
fleet ; on June i he was again on board the Naseby, 
and sailed for the Downs. 4 The French were pre- 
paring for the landward attack upon Dunkirk, and 
Mountagu was instructed " to block up the said town 
of Dunkirk, and to hinder any relief to be carried 
thereinto." 5 Turenne was already near the town, and, 

1 Carlyle's Cromwell, Speech xviii. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm.: House of Lords MSS., vol. iv. (New Series), 
pp. 516-522. 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom., March 23. 

4 Mercurius Politicus, E. 753 ; Cal. S. P., Dom., June 3. 

5 Thurloe, vii. 133. See Mazarin's Letters, viii. 405. 

1658] DUNKIRK in 

with Cromwell's regiments side by side with the 
French, there were continual days of fighting among 
the dunes. 1 Mountagu meanwhile prepared a battery 
ashore, near the pierhead, and manned it with seamen. 
He bought some brigantines of a similar draught to 
the Dunkirkers, but, much to his chagrin, could not 
prevent one little vessel slipping into the harbour. 2 
He visited Turenne, rode with the Marshal round his 
camp, and was in constant communication with him. 
When an urgent message came that another attempt 
was to be made to get into Dunkirk, he spent the 
whole night on board a small boat " to see things the 
better carried." 3 But before Mountagu could close 
his letter he received word that the Spaniards had 
surrendered the town. Cromwell had not only 
obtained another foothold upon the Continent, but 
he had obtained from his greatest enemy another 
vantage ground. Dunkirk was at once an outwork 
for defence and a sally-port for attack, and gave 
us possession of a harbour which had been a nest 
of pirates. 

There were great rejoicings over the taking of Dun- 
kirk, whatever our allies may have felt in ceding it to 
us. Mountagu went ashore and viewed the works ; 
he thought it a gallant town and well fortified, but said 
there and then that it would prove costly to keep. 4 
The Admiral was presented to the young King, 
Louis XIV., who came to take part in the rejoicings. 
A few days later Mountagu entertained Cardinal 
Mazarin, Marshal Villeroi, and "divers great persons," 
on board his flagship. He met his visitors with an 
escort of small boats, and when Mazarin came on board 
the Naseby Mountagu " treated his Eminency and the 

1 For the campaign see Last Days of the Protectorate, chap. xv. 

2 Thurloe, vii. 171. 3 Ibid., vii. 172. 4 Ibid., vii. 180. 


rest very honourably, who were much pleased with 
the sight of that gallant frigate." x 

A contemporary account thus describes the visit : 

" The Naisby Frigat riding Admiral of the English 
Fleet in Dunkirk road at that time when the Town was 
delivered up, Cardinal Mazarin's curiosity was whetted 
with reports of this stately Ship, insomuch that he 
desired to give her a visit : which General Mountagu 
understanding, he invited the Cardinal and other 
French Lords aboard : they all most readily accepted 
of it, and returned many complements (which the 
French are never unprovided of) for the singular 
favour offered them. The time appointed being come, 
the Cardinal in his Pontificalibus, with a great train of 
Noble-men, went in Boats to see the Ship: at his 
launching forth, the English Frigats, in the bravest 
equipage they possibly could be put, saluted him with 
the roaring noise of great Guns, so continuing firing as 
he past by them. Approaching near the Naisby the 
English General, with many Officers and Gentlemen, 
met him in their Boats, and conducted him aboard. 
His Eminency and the rest being landed in this floating 
Island, the General treated them with a noble Banquet, 
at which the Cardinal shewed so much abstemiousness, 
that of all the varieties provided for his entertain- 
ment, he tasted little, and onely drank of Rhenish 
Wine : afterwards General Mountagu shewed him all 
the parts and places of this excellent ship ; which so 
highly pleased the Cardinal, that he protested, of all 
the sights he ever saw, none in his life pleased him like 
this. With this great satisfaction he returned again to 
the Shore ; and as at his comming, (for a welcome) so 
again at his departure, all the Men of War gave him 
their broad sides for a farewel." 2 

The Cardinal wrote of his visit : " II ne se peut rien 
adjouster a Faccueil et a la magnificence avec laquelle 
M. Fadmiral me receut." He spoke warmly of his 
host : " Cest, a mon advis, un des gentilshommes du 

1 Mercurius Politicus, June 22, 1658, E. 753, No. 8 ; Thurloe, vii. 188. 

2 The Perfect Politician ... a Life . . . of Oliver Cromwell (Brit. Mus. 
Thomason Tracts, E. 1869). 


monde le plus franc et mieux intentionne et le plus 
attache a la personne de M. le Protecteur." 1 A few 
days later Mazarin invited Mountagu on shore; he 
dined with the Governor of Calais, and was then pre- 
sented to the Queen and the Duke of Anjou, "who 
used me with great respect and civilitye," he writes, 
" and great expressions of affection for his Highness." 
The Cardinal talked to Mountagu for long in private 
"continued, or rather encreased, his respect towards 
mee," said the Admiral. The two men discussed a 
joint attack upon the Spanish fleets. It was such a 
scheme as Mountagu liked " very sorely prejudicial 
to the Spaniard." 2 But the turn of events within the 
next few months rendered any such expedition im- 

At the end of June, Admiral Lord Mountagu was 
again in the Downs, keeping a watchful eye upon the 
Dutch and their breaches of neutrality. His experiences 
at Dunkirk quickened his zeal, and he carried the rights 
of search and detention to their extremes. Little wonder 
that " there passed uncivill carriages " between his 
captains and the Dutch ; for Mountagu stopped vessels 
with great vigour, some of which had shortly to be 
released. 3 But this did not damp his ardour, and it 
was afterwards reported that he was in the right, and 
that the vessels, thus released, contained contraband. 4 
Mountagu was indignant. " Unlesse by treatye or 
forces you prevaile for better deportment and friend- 
ship from the Dutch," he wrote to Thurloe, " a warr 
(if you could tell how to support it) were better than 
a peace with them. If all Flanders were ours, what 
signifies it, when their whole country serves for a 
nest to shelter rogues that interrupt our tradinge? 

1 Lettres du Cardinal Mazarin, viii. 475. 2 Thurloe, vii. 152, 209. 

3 Ibid., vii. 234 ; Cat. S. P., Dom., July 6. 4 Ibid., vii. 281. 

VOL. I. 8 


They receive the enemies men of warr in, with their 
prizes, and suffer them to sell them, and refitt and 
mann themselves, and to sea againe, and convoy all 
the Spaniards' money and goods for Flanders." 1 

But though, through these disagreements, the cloud 
of a Dutch war seemed gathering over England, another 
matter, more vital, occupied the mind of Cromwell's 
friends. At the beginning of August, when Moun- 
tagu returned home, he was met by the news of 
Cromwell's illness, and realized that his oldest friend 
lay dying. During August the Councils were mostly 
held in the country, at Hampton Court, and there 
Mountagu attended Cromwell on his return from sea. 
But at the last the Protector came back to Whitehall, 
where he passed away on September 3. The grief occa- 
sioned by the death of a favourite daughter, and the 
strain he had undergone for several years, were more 
than he could bear. He was only fifty-nine, and his 
friends hoped that he would yet be granted a long 
lease of life. Their hopes were vain : " God knows 
what is in the womb of this severe stroke," wrote his 
son. 2 To Mountagu it was the breaking of more than a 
friendship. Over the King's execution the two had been 
at variance, but after Mountagu took service under the 
one man whom he thought could save England, he 
followed him with loyalty and enthusiasm. Now 
his hero was dead, and with grief and misgiving 
Mountagu signed the proclamation of September 4, 
which declared Richard Cromwell Protector of Eng- 

When the strong hand of Oliver was withdrawn, 
the differences, which he alone could keep under, 
slowly welled up. Had his son Henry succeeded, 
the Protectoral House of Cromwell might have lasted 

1 Thurloe, vii. 284. 2 Ibid., vii. 384. 


many years ; but when the sceptre passed into 
Richard's hands the house was doomed. " The 
Vulture died," said an old chronicler, " and out of 
his ashes rouse a Titmouse." 1 Richard at his suc- 
cession was thirty-two years of age. His life had 
run the uneventful course of a country gentleman's. 
Hunting and hawking were his chief delights, and 
a county town was his metropolis. The Chancellor- 
ship of Oxford University, his position on committees 
of trade, and upon his father's Council, he would have 
gladly resigned. When Huntingdon addressed the 
new Protector as " that Solomon who was also born 
in our Bethlehem," and another county prayed that 
the mantle and spirit of the departed Elijah should 
rest upon Richard's head and heart, this quiet man 
accepted their devout desires with a sigh. He was 
reluctant to exchange the repose of Hursley for the 
intrigues of Hampton Court. 

From over the water the Royalists watched Richard's 
accession with joy. " The storm after so great a calm 
is now begun," wrote one ; " there is a stout contest 
betwixt the Protector and the Army." 2 For the 
Council was divided : on one side were Richard's 
adherents, "the palace section"; on the other were 
the officers of the old school, who hoped to abolish 
protectoral royalty, and to establish a republican and 
democratic government. Richard's avowed supporters 
in the Council were Lawrence (the President), Fiennes, 
Secretary Thurloe, Lord Lisle, Philip Jones, Wolseley, 
and Mountagu. Against them were ranged Fleetwood, 
Disbrowe, Gilbert Pickering, Sydenham, Strickland, 
and Skippon. 3 The line of division cut once again 

1 Heath, Chronicle, p. 409 (ed. 1676). 

' 2 Clarendon J/5.9., 59, f. 141, October 21, 1658. 

3 Baker, Chronicle, p. 657 (ed. 1670). 


through the ties of blood; Disbrowe was the Pro- 
tector's uncle, and Fleetwood was his brother-in-law. 
Mountagu and Pickering were on opposite sides ; once 
more the families, united in themselves, were divided 
upon a political creed. 

The point of difference lay in the balance of civil 
and military power. If any man doubted that Oliver's 
authority had been based upon force, the scales now 
fell from his eyes. The officers, as Hyde suggests, 
may have been jealous that a man like Richard should 
be put over the heads of those who had borne the 
burden and heat of the day. 1 The hereditary Pro- 
tectorate had been opposed by many, and there were 
certain soldiers who would gladly have grasped Crom- 
well's sceptre. They had ample scope for intrigue. 
The army began by presenting a loyal address to 
His Highness, and the same day a report was spread 
that Fleetwood might in all probability become 
Generalissimo of the Forces. A petition to that 
effect was presented to Richard by about 300 officers. 
It was answered by Fleetwood, and he and Disbrowe 
and other leaders " told them the dangerous conse- 
quence of such petitions at this juncture of tyme, and 
advised them to unity of spirit in carrying on the good 
old Cause, wherein his Highness resolved to live and 
dye with them." 2 

The "good old Cause " turned out to be republicanism, 
and its supporters held frequent meetings at Disbrowe's 
house. Fleetwood wrote to Henry Cromwell that, 
though they were made out to be mutinous spirits, 
they would, " through grace, be found soberly honest 
and faithful to his Highness." 3 Such language was 

1 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 412. 

2 Clarke Papers, iii. 164, 165. 

3 Thurloe, State Papers, vii. 450, 500. 


a bad sign; the "eminent spirit of prayer" was always 
dangerous. At Oliver Cromwell's funeral, which took 
place on November 23, there was a fear of disturbance. 
The people contrasted the lavish expenditure upon the 
obsequies, with the penury around them ; the ranks of 
the soldiers were filled with Levellers and Fifth 
Monarchists. Their officers had been "praying, ex- 
pounding, and speaking." A timely present of "new 
red coats trimmed with black " made the men joyful in 
Richard's favour, and the captains and inferior officers 
were also appeased. 1 " Much endeavour there hath 
been to blowe the coal amongst the soldiers, to have 
begotten some disturbance this day," wrote Thurloe, 
" but all is ended with peace." As Mountagu said, 
there was no fear of any trouble unless it came at 
Disbrowe's instigation. 2 

The Protector's funeral had brought Mountagu back 
from Hinchingbrooke, where he had been for several 
weeks. The "good old Cause" made no appeal to 
him, and he prepared a counterblast. The address 
presented by the fleet professed strenuous opposition 
both to royalist and republican designs; the French 
Ambassador, who was always well informed, stated 
that Mountagu was considered the author of the special 
declaration against a republic. 3 Mountagu presented 
the address and made the necessary speech. The sea- 
commanders swore to obey the "undoubted rightful 
Protector," to maintain the Petition and Advice against 
Charles Stewart and his adherents, and " all who shall 
endeavour to restore the late Commonwealth or to 
place the legislative authority otherwise than by a 

1 Clarke Papers, iii. 166-168. 

2 Thurloe, vii. 528. But see "Brassy" to "Dodd" (Clarendon MSS., 
November 26, where disorderly scenes are mentioned ; Mountagu is also 

3 Gui/ot, Richard Cromwell, i. 245 : Bordeaux to Mazarin. 


single person, and two Houses of Parliament, and 
against all other opposers whatever." 1 

When Mountagu had thus declared the navy's loyalty 
to the Protectorate, he set out to measure the designs 
of Fleetwood and Disbrowe. He had ample oppor- 
tunity ; not only could he join issue with them at the 
Council, but he was again enabled to attend the 
meetings of the army. Richard desired to strengthen 
the Cromwell interest, and one of his first acts was 
to appoint Mountagu Colonel of a regiment of horse. 2 
With young Lord Fauconberg, Oliver's son-in-law, 
and one or two other colonels on his side, Mountagu 
kept an eye upon the intrigues of the army faction. 3 
He and his friends were decidedly unwelcome guests, 
and it was not long before a scene was made at the 
Council-table. The differences between the army and 
the Court party became acute, and strange rumours got 
abroad. Fleetwood and Disbrowe, it was said, trumped 
up a tale that Mountagu, Fauconberg, and Ingoldsby, 
were conspiring against their lives, or had planned to 
confine them at Windsor. Their charge was based 
upon an anonymous letter, which Fleetwood produced. 
Mountagu was " very fierce," and told them he believed 
the letter was a forgery, and demanded justice, while 
Fauconberg imputed the accusation to Disbrowe's 
malice. 4 The Protector appeared to take Mountagu's 
side, and Disbrowe, in an arrogant manner, rose and 
said that he would never come to Council again if 
Fauconberg were there. At length Richard restored 

1 A True Catalogue, etc. (printed in the first year of the English Armies 
small or scarce beginning to return from their almost six years great Apostacy, 
September 28, 1659), E. 999, No. 12. Mountagu sent the address for Stokes 
and the Straits fleet to subscribe, and presented it on December 6. See Cat. 
S. P., Dom., September 15, November 16, 25, 29. 

2 Clarke Papers, iii. 164; CaL S. P., Dom., September 18. 

3 Guizot, i. 251 : Bordeaux to Mazarin. 

4 Clarendon MSS., 59, f. 273, December 10, 1658. 


order, " like a good prince," but the difference was 
beyond healing. 1 

There was, however, no open quarrel, and Mountagu 
again retired to the country, where he took an active 
part in obtaining Thurloe's election for Huntingdon. 2 
The Royalists were also working to return certain 
well-disposed candidates, but the scantiness of the 
records and the rigour of the press licence make 
the events of the winter somewhat obscure. The 
contest between Court and army was renewed on 
January 27, when Parliament assembled. The general 
hum of approval which greeted the new Protector's 
speech was a poor index to the temper of the House. 
While the Lords amended acts against swearing, 
drunkenness, and profanation of the Sabbath, and 
protested against " Stage playes, Interludes, and 
things of the like nature called Opera, acted to the 
scandal of Religion," the Commons were busy upon 
stronger meat. They debated an Act of Recognition 
of His Highness's Right to the Title, and then engaged 
upon the question of transacting business with the 
persons now sitting in the other House. 3 Had Oliver 
been alive, their discussions would have come to an 
untimely end; instead of this, the dead man's work 
was pulled down bit by bit, amid faction and by the 

Before the work of destruction was complete Moun- 
tagu was miles away. Hardly had he taken his place 
in the Upper House, and administered the oath to his 
fellows, than the service called him to his post as 

1 Guizot, i. 270-274 : Two letters from Bordeaux to Mazarin and Brienne. 
See also CaL S. P., Dom., January 13, 1658 (the quarrel is there mis- 

2 Thurloe, vii. 586 : Mountagu to Thurloe, January I, 1659. Thurloe 
elected to sit for Cambridge University {Commons' Journals , February 23). 

3 Commons' Jotirnals., February 14, March 28. 


General-at-Sea. 1 Owing to the uneasy situation of 
affairs in the Baltic, the Commons resolved to send 
northwards a very considerable navy. 2 On March 1 1 
the Lords were informed that Edward Mountagu, 
General-at-Sea, was commanded by His Highness to 
go with the fleet, and he obtained the leave of the 
House to attend his service aforesaid. 3 The next day 
the newspapers announced: "The most noble Lord, 
Edward, Lord Mountagu, went hence by water to the 
Hope, where the Naisby frigat waited to receive him ; 
and from thence his Lordship intends to set sail 
with the first wind to the place appointed for the 
rendezvous of the Fleet, with which he will shortly 
put forth to sea." 4 

The mission which took Mountagu out of England 
at this critical time was one of mediation. The two 
northern powers, Sweden and Denmark, were at one 
another's throats. The aim of Sweden was to dominate 
the North, and she was encouraged in this by the great 
part she had already played in European affairs. Her 
territorial gains threatened Denmark's flank, and she 
practically controlled the Baltic. She was ruled by a 
King, young and full of vigour, whose ambition was 
boundless. Charles X. was a great soldier, and had 
demonstrated his power in Poland. As soon as 
his back was turned, Denmark seized her oppor- 
tunity. She prepared to invade Sweden, and allied 
herself with Sweden's foes. Had other causes of 
quarrel been wanting, there was the question of the 
control of the Sound. The dues payable by ships at 
the entrance to the Baltic, in return for lights, buoys, 
bells, and protection from pirates, were as profitable as 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : House of Lords MSS., New Series, iv. 524. 

2 Commons' Journals^ February 23. 

3 House of Lords MSS., iv. 547. 

4 Mercurius Politicus, March 10-17, E. 761. 


the Suez Canal shares of to-day. The Powers which 
fringed the channel found in these dues a perennial 
source of disagreement, and the Baltic trade "remained 
the ground of their jealousy, and the design of their 
arms. " 1 Foreign policy and economic questions brought 
about a succession of sanguinary wars, and in the 
summer of 1657 Charles X. was engaged in punishing 
Denmark for her pretensions and interference. 

The war created interest in other countries. France 
and England wanted peace, for they hoped to use the 
Swedish sword in their, war against Spain, and the 
policy of Mazarin and Cromwell was directed to that 
end. They constituted themselves the mediators 
between Sweden and Denmark, and early in 1658 a 
peace was patched up at Roskilde. But both parties 
were discontented. Denmark regarded the treaty 
as too harsh, for the terms had been made rather 
in Sweden's favour, and Sweden declared that the 
conditions of peace had never been kept. Oliver 
Cromwell lived to see the breakdown of his policy, 
and about the time of his death Charles X. again 
assumed the aggressive. The upshot would have been 
serious for Denmark had not the Dutch intervened. 
Between the English and Dutch, relations were already 
strained over the right of search, and the Dutch took 
the side of Denmark. They attempted the relief of 
Copenhagen, and their fleet drove the Swedes from 
the Sound. But neither England nor Holland wished 
to see any single power predominant in the Baltic, and 
both engaged upon the work of mediation, but with 
conflicting sympathies : the English favoured Sweden, 
and the Dutch inclined to Denmark. 

For a few months the death of Oliver Cromwell left 

1 Sir Roger Manley, History of the Late Warres in Denmark (London 


England inactive, and the Dutch became the chief 
mediators. At length Mountagu was sent into the 
northern seas to join the seconds at the ring-side. 
He found on his arrival that the Dutch were prepared 
to increase their fleet from thirty-five to eighty vessels, 
a pretty number to keep the peace. The jealousies of 
the mediators were of old standing, and England had 
no intention of letting an enemy direct the settlement 
of northern affairs. 

" It is a shame that wee should sitt at home with our 
hands in our pocketts," said a newsletter, " and let the 
Dutch goe with soe great a fleete into the Sound, and 
so probably have it delivered up by the Dane unto 
them, and wee sit still at home, and not to come and 
interpose by way of mediation to keepe the ballance 
equal! between these two Princes, the Dane and the 
Swede, that the Dutch may not take it from them 
both, and give a law to us as to our navigation, the 
woodden walls of the nation." 1 

For it was against Cromwellian policy that the 
Dutch, above all, should control the Baltic trade, and 
become the sole purveyors of masts, tar, and other naval 
stores. So Mountagu's mission of mediation was 
weighted with distrust of his fellow-mediator. The 
combatants regarded neither as neutral " the Danes 
expected more solid succours from the Dutch ; and the 
Swedes bragged of their more forward friends the 
English." 2 And since Holland inclined to favour 
Denmark, England took upon herself to see that 
Sweden was not wholly conquered. Our treaty with 
France made this of great importance, for Holland and 
Denmark, if victorious, were free to act against 
England or in favour of Spain. Bearing these possi- 
bilities in mind, Mazarin sent assurances of his 
friendship to Mountagu, and his Ambassador 

1 Clarke Papers, iii. 183. 2 Manley, The LaU Warres, p. 58. 


endeavoured to instil into the Admiral such opinions 
as the French wished him to entertain. 1 

During the winter England had maintained a 
small fleet to watch the northern seas, and this 
was now increased to sixty vessels. 2 Mountagu's full 
instructions are preserved among his papers, and he 
was also bidden to uphold the honour of the Pro- 
tectorate by demanding the flag from such foreign 
ships of war as he encountered in British seas. 3 
The Naseby left the Hope as soon as the Admiral was 
on board. He was accompanied by John Creed, a 
secretary in the Navy Office, and Will Howe, w r ho acted 
as his clerk. These two men took turns to write 
up Mountagu's journal, and a record of the expedition 
was preserved a very bare record, for much that was 
secret was done upon the voyage. 4 From the Thames 
the vessels sailed for Southwold Bay, and were 
reinforced by Vice-Admiral Goodson, with twenty- 
eight sail. In five days the whole fleet had crossed 
the North Sea. 

On April 6 the vessels anchored in the roadstead of 
Elsinore, and Mountagu at once began work. He 
already had some knowledge of the position of affairs 
in the Baltic. 5 Since he was treating with powers 
prepared and eager for war, the negotiations were of a 
complicated nature, and his difficulties were enhanced 
by the uncertainty of affairs in England. Mountagu, 
however, attacked his work with abundant vigour. It 
was his first essay in diplomacy, and his methods 
were none, too subtle ; but they had at least the energy 

1 Guizot, i. 233, 249. 

2 Thurloe, State Papers, vii. 636 the list of ships. 

3 Sandwich MSS, Letters, i. 16 (there is an imperfect copy in Carte 
MSS., 274, f. i) ; Thurloe, vii. 633. 

4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, i. 62-128. 

5 Carte, Original Letters, ii. 105-113. 


proper to a man of thirty-three, and were according to 
the tenor of his instructions. At once Admiral and 
Envoy, his position was curious. He was able to call 
upon a fleet to second his importunities ; and since 
the consciousness of force was behind him in all his 
goings, it is little wonder that he adopted a somewhat 
masterly tone. 

His first steps were towards obtaining the neutrality 
of the combatants. He dispatched a letter to the Vice- 
Admiral of the Dutch fleet, asking for his co-operation ; 
and begged him to remain outside the Sound, and to 
give no occasion for any hostility upon the part of 
Sweden. 1 He repeated his request to Admiral Opdam, 
who was some distance away, and had not yet come 
into Danish waters. 2 If needs be, Mountagu was 
determined to back his requests by force. Should 
Opdam again attempt to relieve Copenhagen, and 
assist Denmark, Mountagu ordered his Vice- Admiral, 
Goodson, to engage the Dutch, 

" and fight with, sink, take or destroy such of them as 
shall proceed to pass through as aforesaid ; the which 
myself and the rest of the ships of the fleet shall 
(by God's permission and assistance) second and stand 
by you in. ' 3 

Mountagu first approached the Dutch, because they 
had already resolved to assist Denmark if Sweden 
should prove aggressive; 4 and the attitude of Sweden 
was decidedly difficult and warlike. The King, 
Charles X., by a brilliant dash across the ice, had planted 
his forces at the very gates of Copenhagen. Finding 
himself in the position of a victor, he was naturally 
careless of England's good offices, and it was Mountagu's 
business to bring him to terms. But days elapsed 

1 Sandwich MSB. Journal, i. 63. 

2 The letter is printed in Thurloe, vii. 644. 

8 Sandwich MSS. Journal, i. 67. * Thurloe, vii. 644. 


before he could obtain any answer to his appeals. 
He had acquainted Charles with England's offer to 
guarantee the broken treaty of Roskilde, and sent 
the conditions on which England would assist Sweden, 
should she be attacked by the Dutch as well as the 
Danes. But the English had framed Mountagu's 
instructions without considering the temper of the 
Swedish King. At first Charles objected to any treaty, 
and particularly to the one which was offered. So 
Mountagu was left " divers days in ambiguity " as 
he says, concerning a condition which he considered 
the most essential in his instructions. He tried to woo 
Charles from his aggressive mood by pointing out that 
Poland, Holland, and Brandenburg, were arrayed 
against him, and were preparing for the relief of 
Copenhagen. Mountagu further said that England, 
though ready to be a guarantor, was in no state for 
conflict with the Northern Powers. " Besides that," he 
wrote to Charles, " the assembly of all the Estates in 
Parliament, sitting when we came from thence, are in 
no way satisfied to such an engagement of the nation." 1 
Again he urged the acceptance of a treaty which 
had already proved favourable to Sweden, and he 
guaranteed its enforcement. But in case of war the price 
of England's assistance was equality with Sweden in 
matters of trade, freedom from the Sound tolls, and the 
exclusion of our enemies from the Baltic. Such terms 
were too high for Charles X. ; he feared lest exclusion 
should engage him in a perpetual war with Holland, 
and Mountagu doubted if the King would ever agree 
to such a drastic measure. 2 
For a time, indeed, it looked as though Charles X. 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, i. 70. 

2 Thurloe, vii. 651 : Mountagu to Thurloe. The treaty of assistance is 
printed in Manley (p. 73). 


was prepared to let matters slide, and thus endanger 
the peace between the mediators. At length Mountagu 
instructed Philip Meadows, who had preceded him as 
envoy, to demand a " speedy and positive answer." 
On April 16 Monsieur Coyet, a Swedish envoy, came 
on board the Naseby, but without any satisfactory 
pledge from Sweden, and two days later it was reported 
that Charles was leaving Copenhagen for a more 
distant station. Mountagu was dismayed, and pressed 
for an answer before the King's departure. But 
Charles X., flattered by success, was in no mood for 
a settlement of his affairs by foreign interference. He 
was courteous enough to the English Ambassador, and 
even delayed his journey for a further conference with 
Meadows ; he also sent Count Brahe to pay his adieux 
to Mountagu. But the Admiral wanted more than 
compliments ; he sent a messenger to the King, and 
informed him quietly and firmly that, since no answer 
could be obtained, the English were about to move to 
some place where the fleet could prevent further 
hostilities. The veiled threat was effective. On 
April 21 Meadows informed Mountagu that Charles had 
consented to negotiate on the basis of the old treaty. 
The Danes and Dutch were at once advised of this 
favourable turn of affairs. 1 Having obtained the King's 
word, Mountagu pressed for a speedy settlement. 

" I pray you," he wrote to Meadows, " to putt on 
with a vigour and expedition more than the usual dull, 
formal gravities, practised upon these occasions have 
permitted. The dull way may gratify those that 
design delay and prejudice to us, but nothing so much 
as life and quickness can accomplish our end, and 
prevent our difficulties." 2 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, i. 73, 77-So : Mountagu to the King of 
Denmark and to Opdam. 

2 Ibid, , i. 74-76 : Mountagu to Meadows. 


But upon a bare word no treaty could be framed, 
and Mountagu was determined to obtain a definite 
settlement. He went ashore to Kronberg Castle, 
and consulted Meadows. He then called a council of 
war, read out his instructions to the officers, and 
formulated a plan. It was resolved that the whole 
fleet should sail to Copenhagen in order to demon- 
strate their determination for peace, and to keep the 
harbour of Copenhagen clear of combatants, by force 
if needs be, should the Danes or their allies try 
to intrude. 1 Matters were still in an unsatisfactory 
state. If Denmark refused to make peace, Sweden 
demanded England's active assistance ; but as the 
treaty dragged on she lowered her terms of payment, 
and refused to exclude England's enemies from the 
Baltic. Delay in the negotiations was favourable both 
to the Dutch and Danes ; and Mountagu thought that 
Charles X. did not much care if Holland and England 
came to blows, " and he loose." 2 So the Admiral- 
Ambassador determined to obtain a categorical "aye or 
noe," and to visit the King himself. On Sunday, May 8, 
he went ashore, accompanied by several commanders 
of the fleet. They landed at Kronberg Castle, where 
they were met by the royal coaches, and conducted in 
great state to their audience. Mountagu made a good 
impression on Charles X., and the two men were 
speedily in agreement. During the next few days the 
terms of England's assistance to Sweden were dis- 
cussed, and the good feeling between the two nations 
gradually increased. When the news came that 
De Ruyter was about to join the rest of the Dutch, and 
bring their fleet up to one hundred sail, the English 
council of war decided to berth their own vessels " in 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, i. 82. 
8 Ibid., i. 84. 


the most advantageous manner to hinder the conjunc- 
tion." Before Mountagu sailed upon this design, he 
visited the King at Kronberg Castle, and supped 
with him. While he was ashore there came news 
from England which suspended the whole negotia- 
tion. 1 

This news, which cut the negotiations as with a 
knife, was the announcement of Richard Cromwell's 
downfall. As soon as Mountagu left England, Disbrowe 
and Fleetwood worked out their designs unchecked 
and uncriticized. They became the unofficial guardians 
of the Protector, and took the nation's affairs into their 
own hands. Once more the army showed a disposition 
to settle the government of England, and spent 
preparatory days, praying and preaching, at Fleet- 
wood's house. 2 " A vile paper " was spread abroad to 
defame the Lords. The Commons voted the secrecy 
of their own proceedings, and then set to work to 
secure the support of the militia. Step by step 
Richard became a pawn in the hands of two experts at 
the political chessboard. On April 22 he was forced 
down to the House to dissolve Parliament as it 
then existed. The next day regiments marched into 
London at Fleetwood's behest : " without seizing 
any man's person, shedding a drop of bloud, or 
making the least confusion in the city and suburbes," 
a revolution was accomplished, and the army was 
supreme. 3 The Protectoral House of Cromwell came 
to an end. 

The news was brought to Mountagu by the Basing 
frigate. The story spread like fire through the fleet, 
and there was no need to communicate it formally 
to the officers. But, since at the same time orders 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, i. 87-90. 

- Clarke Papers, iii. 189. 3 Ibid., iii. 193. 

i6 59 ] NEWS FROM ENGLAND 129 

were sent which involved a practical cessation of 
the work, Mountagu summoned a council and made 
tentative provisions to meet the new situation. 1 He 
told the officers that he had received letters from the 
Protector and from Fleetwood, together with the 
resolutions of the army ; but since these were already 
known, there was no need to read them. The resolu- 
tion to oppose the Dutch, made at a former council, 
was cancelled ; and the fleet was ordered to set sail for 
the Skaw, the northernmost point of Denmark " in 
the consideration of the present condition of affairs, 
the best place for answering all ends." 2 The council 
broke up without any demonstration, for to the majority 
the tidings were unwelcome. Some servant of the new 
Government wrote from aboard the Naseby that the 
news " was entertained by the Fleet with a very calm 
and good temper, being in their hearts for the good old 
principles, and generally a Commonwealth is to them 
a most desirable change." 3 

But though the fleet as a whole may have been 
indifferent to the change, it was otherwise with 
Mountagu, and he was much troubled by the affair. 
The whole course of his life was changed. He was 
not one of those who had at any time cried up the good 
old cause " a Commonwealth, and noe single person." 
On the contrary, he had always held fast the principle 
of single rule. And now, not only had the House 
of Cromwell fallen, but also one to whom he was 
genuinely attached. He wrote candidly, and to a 
public man, that the change filled him with " feares and 
sorrow." 4 There was no concealment of his feelings. 

1 Thurloe, vii. 666 : Richard Cromwell to Mountagu. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, i. 91. 

9 Public Intelligencer , June 6, E. 766, No. 2. See also Clarendon MSS., 
61, f. 170; Clarke Papers, iii. 215. 

4 Clarke Papers, iv. 279 : Mountagu to Lenthall. 

VOL. I. 9 


Even four months later Richard was still "your 
Highness " as far as Mountagu was concerned. 1 But 
since no action on his part could save Richard, and 
there was no chance of placing Henry Cromwell in the 
protectoral chair, Mountagu went his own way. As 
soon as he heard the news, he communicated it to the 
King of Sweden, " who was much troubled likewise at 
his relation." 2 The story reached those who watched 
him by way of Samuel Pepys ; and from the moment of 
Cromwell's downfall Mountagu was drawn into a net 
of intrigue from which he emerged triumphantly. 
As for the House of Cromwell, he was absolved from 
his allegiance, since that house could no longer sustain 

" I have spoken with one that was at London in the 
most intimate Councells about the putting downe 
Richard," wrote Mountagu in his journal, "and am 
assured that Generall Moncke was applied to in Scot- 
land to sticke unto Richard, and was offered to have 
20,000 per annum settled upon him, and he would not 
be engaged but sent word that the said revenew would 
doe Richard more good than his stickinge unto him. 
Further I am assured that notwithstandinge the above- 
said, yet Richard's party wanted not power to have 
suppressed Fleetwood and Desborough and overruled 
the Army, but then it must have beene done by the 
Lord Falconberge, the Earle of Carlisle, my selfe, 
Colonel Ingoldsby and others, whom they thought 
would certainly bring in the Kinge, which at that tyme 
they chose to shift off unto the very last extremity. 
Then they lett in Vane, and Hesilrigg, Nevill etc., 
Commonwealth men, upon faire promises from them 
not to overthrow the Government; but they proved 
perfidious and brought in the Rump. Which incon- 
venience might have been prevented if Richard had 
not dissolved but prorogued his Parliament for a few 
months ; for that rarliament had much of the Interest 
of the Nation in it, and though the Rump should have 

1 Clarke Papers, iv. 296. 2 Clarendon. MSS., 61, f. 170. 

i6 5 9] RICHARD DEPOSED 131 

gott into the Saddle, yet that Parliament's Interest 
would have procured it to meete againe in despight of 
all opposition ; and the Dissolvinge that Parliament is 
held the Create and fundamentall error of that Altera- 
tion of Government." 1 

1 Sandwich MSS. Jottrnal^ i. 129. The paragraph was added by 
Mountagu after September, 16.59, and probably after, or about the time of the 
Restoration, since he speaks of "the Kinge." 




"The reproach of inconstancy was on this occasion shared with such 
numbers, that it produced neither hatred nor disgrace ! If he changed, he 
changed with the nation !" JOHNSON : Life of John Dryden. 

FROM the day on which the House of Cromwell fell 
the interest of Mountagu's foreign embassy became 
absorbed in the cross-currents of royalism. For years 
the King over the water Charles Stewart and his 
band of adherents, had awaited some turn of affairs 
such as the downfall of Richard Cromwell, and the 
dissensions in England. Time after time their plans 
for a restoration had been foiled, and their hopes ebbed 
away. But among them were men of courage, who 
had kept their particular "good old cause" alive. 
None had shown more loyalty than James Butler, Earl 
of Ormond, and Edward Hyde. These two were 
aided by a band of men, such as Christopher Hatton 
and Samuel Morland, some of whom Mountagu after- 
wards knew well, and who were reckoned among his 

1 Authorities: Guizot, Richard Cromwell (especially the letters from Bordeaux, 
printed as an appendix to the work) ; Clarendon State Papers, and the Clarendon 
MSS. in the Bodleian Library; Thurloe, State Papers; Carlson, Geschichte 
Schwedens ; Sir Roger Manley, The Late Warres in Denmark ( London, 1670); 
Clarke Papers, vol. iv. ; Sir Richard Baker's Chronicle (London, 1670) ; Pepys's 
Diary. Other authorities are mentioned in the footnotes. The account of 
the quarrel between Mountagu and Sydney is in the Sandwich MSS., i. 


i6 59 ] THE ROYALISTS 133 

kinsfolk and acquaintance. They shared, during their 
exile, many an exciting adventure, in which Charles 
played his part. In their various hiding-places, now 
in Cologne, now in Bruges, now in Brussels, now at 
the Hague, the fugitives regaled each other with stories 
of their travels and escapes. Now it was the King's 
turn, with his tales of Boscobel Oak and of the loyal 
innkeepers; now it was Ormond's, who had mingled 
with the London crowd at the Protector's funeral ; 
now James Stewart's, who fought among the Spaniards 
at Mardyk, and saw his friends defeated by the dash 
of Cromwell's soldiers. Every man in this faithful 
band had an assumed name, and every one the tools of 
the conspirator his cipher, his pot of invisible ink. 
For two years the Royalists had lived a life in which 
hope and fear took turn and turn about ; at length it 
seemed as though the day which they awaited had 
actually dawned. 

At Oliver Cromwell's death they had some cause to 
be despondent. For a single moment England seemed 
calm and indifferent ; the nation appeared united, and 
it looked as though Charles had but few friends. 1 But 
during Richard Cromwell's brief spell of power faith 
in a Stewart revival quickened into life, and when 
the Protector was put aside, the chance of a restora- 
tion seemed immediate. The old remnant of the Par- 
liament of 1648, the " Rump " as it was nicknamed, was 
restored, and once more a faction took the rule of 
England into its hands, and republicanism again 
became an active creed. 

But there were men in England whose whole poli- 
tical career was opposed to it, and such a man was 
Edward Mountagu. He had no hand in the execution 
of Charles I., and on his return to public life he had 

1 Clarendon State Paper s, iii. 422. 


acquiesced in every step which had been taken to 
make Cromwell king. Now that, in his absence, a fac- 
tion such as he detested had torn the sceptre from 
Richard's hand, Mountagu became a conscious convert 
to royalism. There was some doubt of his conversion 
because of his attachment to the Protector's interest, 
and his known loyalty to the House of Cromwell. 1 
But Richard, a " politician of wax," could not attract 
the hero-worship which was Oliver's due. The 
Royalists realized this, and as soon as Mountagu left 
England hopes were raised that he would " prove a 
worthy man." 2 It was common knowledge that Fleet- 
wood and his confederates were doubtful of Mountagu 
and Monck, but it was the Admiral who awakened 
the greater suspicion. 3 Suggestion was made to Hyde 
that Mountagu should be approached under cover 
of the King of Denmark ; " there might be application 
made to him of no small hopes," said one ; " his picque 
to Disbrowe is sufficiently known." 4 

Once the Royalists got wind of Mountagu's disaffec- 
tion, they determined to sound their man. As soon as 
the news of Richard Cromwell's downfall reached 
Brussels, no time was wasted. A carefully -worded 
letter was drafted for Charles, and, when the oppor- 
tunity came, the letter was sent to " M.," on board the 

" I am assured by so many who believe they know 
much of your mind and purposes," it ran, "that you 
have much affection for me, and a resolution to do me 
all the service you can, that I think it necessarye you 
should know from myself, that I am very willmge to 
be served and obliged by you, and that it will be so 
much satisfaction to me to be assured from yourself, 
that you take my interest to heart, and then you may 

1 Guizot, i. 374 ; Clarendon MSS., 60, f. 484. 

2 Clarendon MSS. : Hyde to Sambourne, March 26. 

5 Guizot, i. 375. 4 Clarendon MSS., 60, f. 465. 


be confident I shall never expose you upon any rash 
undertaking for the vindication of it, but concur with 
you in such councells as are most proper, and shall 
give you all evidence of my beinge heartily your most 
affectionate friend." 1 

At first Mountagu's loyalty to the Protectoral house 
prevented his reception of royalist overtures. He had 
in some sort foreseen the fall of Cromwell ; his last 
words to Richard had been words of warning : " he 
would rejoice more to see him in his grave at his 
return home than that he should give way to such 
things as were then in hatching." 2 He advised the 
Protector to be guided by Broghill or Thurloe, but 
the advice was unheeded, and Disbrowe and Fleet- 
wood gained the upper hand. The fatal mistake, 
Mountagu held, was Richard's dissolution of his 
Parliament, and the substitution of the Rump. 3 
Months later he affirmed that if Richard had not so 
foolishly broken his Parliament he would have stood 
by him. 4 For some weeks his preference was for a 
restoration of the Cromwells ; the Royalists feared that 
he would not quit the Protector, but would rather take 
the fleet over to Scotland or Ireland, and re-establish 
the Cromwellian order : for Mountagu was looked upon 
as a man of honour, and he was known to have obliga- 
tions to the Cromwell family. 5 By such a move 
Mountagu had everything to regain position, power, 
and estate ; upon the restoration of Charles he knew 
not what might come to him. So with a secrecy only 
matched by Monck's he awaited overtures. The 
Royalists, because of his principles, regarded him as 

1 Clarendon MSS., 60, f. 436, May 9, 1659 draft in Hyde's hand. The 
date at which Mountagu received this is uncertain. (Macray, vi. 188, puts 
one letter July 4. ) 

2 Pepys's Diary, June 21, 1660. 3 Sandwich. MSS. Journal, i. 129. 
4 Clarendon MSS., 70, f. 132. 5 Ibid., 61, f. 19. 


a possible helper; they had a scheme for uniting to 
the King's party all the monarchical party that before 
looked upon Cromwell as the fittest person through 
whom to attain their ends. Thus wrote Culpeper to 
Hyde, "and," he added, "their golden calf is now 
fallen, they can no more hope in him, neither will 
they depart from their monarchical principles ; they 
will not (I cannot fear it) submit to this rascally 
crew." 1 

Any confidence that Mountagu may have had in 
Richard Cromwell's power was destroyed by the Pro- 
tector's humble resignation and formal deposition. 
The Cromwell family was stripped and turned out 
of doors ; the trappings of Protectoral royalty were 
alienated to pay the army. Somerset House and 
Hampton Court were reported for sale, and White- 
hall was denuded of its hangings. Richard Cromwell 
went tamely back to Hursley. Only one of the family 
seemed, for a brief moment, to possess a spark of 
Oliver's spirit. u Harry hath declared in Ireland very 
vigorously against these proceedings," wrote Hyde; 
" the like is expected from Mountagu, of whom nothing 
is yet known." 2 If only Henry Cromwell, Monckj and 
Mountagu would look after their own interests, "then, 
assuredly, by our Idoll," wrote a Royalist, " the good 
old cause falls eternally." 3 At first, indeed, the Royal- 
ists had some hope that the Stewart monarchy might 
be restored through Richard Cromwell and these three 
men. They considered that place and pension would 
buy Richard, and that the others would assist him. 
They believed that the supporters of the monarchical 
principle, as these three had shown themselves, would 
prefer a Stewart to a Commonwealth. Some of the 

1 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 493. 

2 Clarendon MSS,, 61, f. 64. 3 Ibid., f. 228. 


Royalists saw that it was a scheme too sanguine, and 
that the sailors could not put out in such an unsea- 
worthy boat. 1 Of the three men, two made an outward 
submission ; Henry Cromwell quickly came into line, 
and Monck, who kept his own counsel, sent a letter 
which caused Fleetwood and his friends great satisfac- 
tion, and which could be publicly distributed and read. 
Mountagu alone was silent. 2 

And as Mountagu gave no sign of submission to the 
new Government, the schemes of the Royalists began 
to ravel round him. Charles was at some pains to find 
out the Admiral's real feelings, and at length he 
obtained a long report, which ran as follows : 

" Having understood by Mr. James Herbert, your 
Majesty's great desire that General Mountagu should 
quit that Jewish party to which he hath so long 
adhered, and become a faithful and loyal subject, I 
thought it my duty to give you the trouble of these 
lines in order to that affaire, as having been acquainted 
most intimately with the man for at least these seven 
or eight years. He is a person of most ingenious 
parts, and of a very sweete and candid disposition, but 
with all extreme cautelous, and intimate but with very 
few. As for his affection he was wholly devoted to 
old Noll, his country man, and for his sake a great 
lover of all his family, but a perfect hater of the men 
that now rule, as he has often told me privately : and 
I have it from very good hands, that he is at this 
time very deeply discontented at the present change ; 
insomuch that I verily believe if he ever be gained it is 
in this conjuncture ; the trueth is he hath left behind 
him a very good stake, two thousand pounds per 
annum, with a wife, and ten small children, and it's no 
small matter will reward him for such a loose ; adding 
only this, that if the thing be attempted without 
success, I shall, God willing, at his first returne, in 
case your Majesty please to give me a Commission 

1 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 469; Clarendon MSS. y 60, f. 520. "A 
scheme too sanguine " is the endorsement of the letter. 

3 Hist. MSS. Comm.: Marquess of BatK s MSS. , ii. 133, 134. 


to that purpose, to breake the ice a second time, and 
make him the Proposition." 1 

While the Royalists prepared to court Mountagu, 
the Republicans did their best to alienate him. They 
deprived him of his lodgings at Whitehall, and gave 
his regiment of horse, and the pay, to Colonel Alured, 
a proved anti-monarch. They had the excuse of some 
fancied slight, and felt that he could never be per- 
suaded to accept the new Government. He took no 
trouble to conciliate them, but sent word that he had 
received his commission from the Protector, and 
would obey none else. He 

" wrote neither to the House nor Councell, but to 
Thurloe as principal secretary of State ; which (i.e. the 
letter) shewne and beginning, ' Our feares mixt with 
our dangers/ put some of them into a passion not to be 
allayed by the gentleness of the close, wherein he sub- 
mitted to Providence." 

It was then, said the writer with glee, that they 
took away his regiment, "as if resolved to declyne 
all the precepts and examples of Policy in the Chris- 
tian world, by aggravating a malcontent in supreme 
command so far out of reach." 2 

Yet further, they appointed Lawson, whose opinions 
had before proved distasteful to Mountagu, Vice- 
Admiral of the fleet ; and sent him to the Sound, not 
only to watch the Cavaliers, but " to balance the power 
of Mountagu's party, who we knew was no friend to 
the Commonwealth." 3 The Committee despaired of 
Mountagu himself; "but," said a Royalist, "out of 
some considerable persons, aboard that fleet, and to 

1 Clarendon MSS., 61, f. 195: Samuel Morland to the King, June 15. 
See Clarendon State Papers, iii. 488. 

2 Ibid., 61, f. 172 : " Hancock" to Hyde, June 10. 

3 Ludlow, Memoirs, ii. 92; Commons' Journals, June I ; Cal. S. /"., Dom., 
July 10. 

i6 59 ] EARLY INTRIGUES 139 

play their pranks the better, they have sent Lawson 
with letters and instructions (and perhaps a com- 
mission also) to see how he can work upon the 
seamen." 1 And, as a final precaution, the Government 
determined to place a watch upon Mountagu's actions. 
Under cover of the new turn which the negotiations 
had taken, three Commissioners were appointed by 
Parliament, and associated with the Admiral as Pleni- 
potentiaries for concluding the peace. 2 

Before the new Commissioners could join Mountagu 
in Denmark, Charles and Hyde were in communica- 
tion with him. Two men in particular kept the ball 
rolling between the Admiral and the Stewart Court : one 
was young Edward Mountagu, who had accompanied 
the Admiral to the Sound, and had carried most of the 
communications to Charles X. ; the other, Thomas 
Whetstone. Of these, young Mountagu had the most 
chance of success, for he was the Admiral's cousin, and 
had his interests, and those of the family, at heart. 
Whetstone was not so popular with the Admiral as the 
Royalists imagined, nor did he show great tact or 
discretion. Through the younger Mountagu, Hyde 
proposed the return of the fleet to England. Since 
the revolt of the navy was the first violent beginning 
of the late troubles, it was Charles's idea that the 
return of the navy to its loyalty should be the preamble 
to the peace and happiness of his kingdom. 3 A plot 
was outlined for the fleet to appear suddenly upon the 
coasts in support of a royalist rising ; and it was 
arranged, should the fleet join in this adventure, that 
Charles was to embark in Mountagu's flagship. But 
when the correspondence with the Admiral first began, 

1 Thurloe, vii. 666. 

2 Commons' Journals, June 9. The commissions were issued on June 28. 

3 Clarendon AfSS., 61, f. 303 : The King to Admiral Mountagu. For 
Whetstone's instructions see Clarendon MSS., 61, f. 291. 


the plot was too immature to gain the pledge of a man 
as cautious as Mountagu, though Hyde had bidden his 
emissaries impress upon the Admiral how he could at 
this juncture contribute to the King's restoration, "and 
the peace and happiness of his country, in which he 
hath so considerable a fortune, which can never be 
securely established without the other." 1 

The strongest hint as to Mountagu's future allegi- 
ance came from the Republicans themselves ; and 
they were judged out of their own mouths. " If the 
Government must return in its old form," cried they 
in bitter debate, "they know no reason why the 
King should be excluded." 2 And Charles saw that 
Mountagu's disgust with the Government, and with 
the treatment meted out to him, would turn the Admiral 
towards royalism. " If he once go on shore," said he, 
" I cannot imagine he will ever be restored to the same 
power again." 3 Charles had judged rightly; he knew 
that Mountagu realized this, and would offer a 
stubborn resistance to the new government. For 
though in England an attempt was made to -persuade 
the people that Mountagu was subservient, his sub- 
mission was never sent ; the Council had no assurance 
of him, only compliments, says a writer. 4 There was 
no opportunity for a shout of joy over the Admiral's 
repentance : he sent a bare acknowledgment of the 
situation, which was read in the House ; and the 
newspapers took upon themselves to report the full 
concurrence of his fleet in the new experiment. 5 

The Royalists were well aware of Mountagu's dis- 
content, and Charles instructed Whetstone to play his 

1 Clarendon State Papers^ iii. 497. 2 Ibid., iii. 425. 

3 Clarendon MSS., 61, f. 335 : Charles to Morland, July 7. See also 61, 
f. 219. 

4 Cal. S. P., Dom., July 9, 10. 

5 Mercurius Politicus, June 8, E. 766. 


fish with care. He was bidden to obtain audience of 
the General, through young Edward Mountagu, sound 
him as to his inclination to serve Charles, and, upon 
any sign of loyalty, to give him further letters. 
Temporal advantages were thrown into the balance ; 
an earldom was offered, together with the Garter, and 
any command or office Mountagu might desire. 1 It 
was further arranged that Hyde should himself see 
the Admiral : 

"If upon hearing from the fleete in the Sounde," 
wrote Charles to his Chancellor, "you finde that 
Mountagu, or any other of the chiefe officers, will 
be willing to conferre and treate with you, I would 
have you goe to them, and do all you can to satisfie 
them, and dispose them to my service." 2 

So far Mountagu had given little sign to the Royalists. 
He was in constant communication with Thurloe, 
in a vain endeavour to infuse some life into his 
mission. But under the new order the negotiations 
were so recast that nothing could be done until the 
Commissioners arrived. Holland recognized Fleet- 
wood and the newly-formed Committee of Safety, 
and the two Powers framed a special treaty. The 
Dutch joined England and France in an agreement 
to impose terms upon the combatants, and to force 
either Sweden or Denmark to accept the peace. 3 
Mountagu was instructed not to join with either 
Swede or Dane, and to do all in his power to promote 
a settlement. 4 He informed Charles X. that, seeing the 
posture of affairs in England, he could afford Sweden 
no active assistance, but he took up a station which 

1 Clarendon MSS., 61, ff. 291, 303, 335: Charles to Whetstone, to 
Mountagu, and to Morland. 

2 Ibid., 62, f. 30. 

3 Thurloe, vii. 675, 676. The agreement was signed on May u. 
* Ibid., vii. 680. 


hindered the conjunction of the Dutch fleet with its 
reinforcements. 1 Meanwhile the combatants were rest- 
less ; Charles X. was fighting the Brandenburgers, who 
favoured Denmark, and Frederick III. was opposed to 
a treaty which did not include his allies. He was for 
"a general peace or a confederate war." Meadows, 
our representative at Copenhagen, was convinced that 
the Danes and Dutch were engaged upon some secret 
ends, and stated that Mountagu had much ado to bring 
Opdam to prolong neutrality. 

" As for a peace," he wrote, " I look upon it as a case 
almost desperate : the most advantageous opportuni- 
ties for obtaining it being now past; and our fleet 
must shortly look homewards, unless timely supplies 
come out of England." 2 

Though peace was slow in coming, the danger of 
a sudden conflagration gradually died down. The 
English and Dutch fleets, the latter increased by 
De Ruyter's arrival, lay idly about the Sound. Moun- 
tagu was in communication with England, sending 
Pepys backwards and forwards with his letters. He 
had little to do, but he kept watch upon the Dutch, 
and, by skilful manoeuvring, prevented any sudden 
attack upon the Swedish fleet. 3 The Swedish King 
was grateful to the Admiral for his firm attitude, and 
sent him a welcome present of fresh provisions 
200 oxen for the sailors, and for Mountagu himself 
"three horses, pistols, and caparisons very rich." 4 
These substantial compliments, together with the 
King's objections to treat with a commonwealth and 
his frequent meetings with Mountagu, gave the 

1 Carlson, Geschichte Schwedens, iv. 335. 
- Thurloe, vii. 693. 

3 Manley, The Late Warrcs in Denmark ; p. 79. 

4 Sandwich MS S. Journal, i. 96. 

i6 59 ] SYDNEY ARRIVES 143 

Admiral's opponents cause to doubt him, and to say 
that he was no enemy to monarchy. 

"It is to be feared," said one, "that if he is con- 
tinued in this charge, he will accommodate himself 
to the times if he is master of the fleet. Couriers 
have been sent to him from both parts, and it will 
soon be seen which has the upper hand." 1 

But though Mountagu was watched, it was some 
time before he was suspected of any definite intrigue 
with the Royalists. Of the secret negotiations which 
were then afoot these men knew nothing, and Moun- 
tagu had no confidant ; even Pepys was ignorant of 
the messages which passed. More than a year later 
he writes in his diary : 

"My Lord did also bless himself with his good 
fortune, in comparison to what it was when I was 
with him in the Sound, when he durst not own his 
correspondence with the King, which is a thing that 
I never did hear of to this day before ; and I do from 
this raise an opinion of him, to be one of the most 
secret men in the world, which I was not so convinced 
of before." 2 

But if Pepys, in his simplicity, did not suspect 
Mountagu, there soon came to Denmark one who did. 
Of the three Commissioners sent by the Common- 
wealth to join Mountagu, two, Robert Honeywood 
and Thomas Boone, were men of no particular note ; 
the third, Algernon Sydney, was a man of mark. It 
was he who watched Mountagu with suspicion. 
Someone on board the Naseby had already corre- 
sponded with Mercurius Politicus, and the little paper 
had published an account of Mountagu's movements. 3 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 5. 

2 Pepys's Diary, November 7, 1660. 

3 Mercurius Politicus, April 21-28, E. 762, and the Publick Intelligencer 
for June 6, show that someone on board the Naseby was watching Mountagu. 


But such writings were innocuous compared with 
Sydney's jealous eye. He was a heart-whole Re- 
publican, a Commonwealth man. His great talents 
and undoubted sincerity made no appeal to Moun- 
tagu, whose ideals were in every way opposed to 
Sydney's, and in consequence the Admiral regarded 
Sydney as a spy, and soon came to look upon him 
as a " mortal enimye." 

The antagonism between the two men was not 
immediately made manifest. At first matters worked 
smoothly; the three Commissioners arrived at Elsi- 
nore on July 20, and two days later they dined on 
board the Naseby. As Mountagu was their equal 
upon the commission, the companionship of the four 
men was pretty constant, and led to a precarious 

It chanced that the Commissioners, some time after 
their arrival, went on shore at Copenhagen to see the 
sights of the town. The Royalist Envoy, Whetstone, 
got wind of their movements, and came to Copenhagen 
in the train of a certain noble. He began well : he got 
into communication with young Edward Mountagu, 
talked with him privately from midnight till dawn, 
and gave him a letter from Charles to the Admiral. 
It was then arranged that Whetstone should not be 
seen in the town, nor let his presence be known ; he 
was a nephew of Oliver Cromwell's, and his face 
was familiar to Sydney, while his appearance there 
was enough to excite suspicion. But the next morn- 
ing, as Sydney and Mountagu were walking together, 
they met the man. Mountagu grasped the situation, 
recognized Whetstone, and "put off his hat three 
times to him, but the fellow would not be known." 
He bade Sydney "take notice of him too," and then 
called him up, conversed with him over affairs in 


England, and did what he could to allay suspicion. 
"At the very time," says Pepys, "he had letters in 
his pocket from the King, as it proved afterwards." 
And he concludes : " I cannot but remember my Lord's 
equanimity in all these affairs with admiration." And 
though Whetstone returned without any definite 
assurance from Mountagu, who distrusted him and 
deplored his lack of tact, the Royalists gathered that, 
upon any appearance of disorders in England, they 
might expect a good account from the Sound. But 
Whetstone's foolish attitude had roused Sydney's 
curiosity. He made inquiries, and found out from 
the Dutch Commissioners that Mountagu had hired 
a vessel to convey Whetstone back to Flanders. 1 

The jealousies excited by this encounter soon 
became apparent. The three new Commissioners 
represented a reversal of policy. The House of 
Cromwell had courted Sweden, and had not been 
averse to alliance with a monarchy; but now that 
stanch Republicans were in the saddle, they inclined 
to an understanding with the Dutch, whose govern- 
ment was of the pattern they revered. The principles 
of republicanism were manifest in their new attitude, 
and were applied to foreign affairs. Sydney and his 
colleagues had come to the Sound with instruc- 
tions, which favoured Denmark rather than Sweden. 
By an agreement signed on July 14, to which France, 
England, and Holland, put their seals, the terms of the 
Roskilde Treaty were modified ; and by a further 
agreement between England and Holland the com- 
bined fleets of the two Commonwealths were author- 
ized to force the compromise upon the combatants. 2 

1 Pepys's Diary t March 8, 1663; Clarendon MSS., 64, f. 240; Carte, 
Original Letters , ii. 210, printed from Carte MSS., 30, f. 464. 

2 Carlson, Geschichte Schwedens, iv. 339-341 ; Manley, The Late Warres, 
p. 82. The dates of the agreements were July ^J and July 25 (August 4). 

VOL. I. 10 


Naturally, Charles X. protested ; the terms were less 
favourable to him than those at first offered, and he 
was in no mood to see a republic give laws to a 
monarchy. In his heart there was the feeling that the 
English and Dutch were acting as judges rather than 
mediators, and he was quick to say so. 1 

In this Charles felt that he had a sympathizer. 
Mountagu's attitude throughout the negotiations dis- 
turbed Sydney, and Sydney looked upon him as 
inclined to the Swedish point of view 7 . That Moun- 
tagu should lean in that direction was not unreasonable. 
To begin with, he had promised Sweden terms, such 
as the newly-formed Government chose to override, 
and he had won Charles X. to his views. Not only 
were his relations with the King of the most cordial 
nature, but the two men were in political agreement 
upon their detestation of republicanism. Neither had 
any great faith in the present Government of England, 
so Sydney stepped in to correct them. The King of 
Sweden, he said, misunderstood our affairs, owing to 
the false information he received from those he em- 
ployed abroad, meaning by this the Swedish Ambas- 
sador in London. 2 So hot did Sydney wax upon this 
point that Charles demurred, and took the strongest 
exception to the imputations made against his repre- 
sentative. 3 

Dissatisfaction was thus engendered, and for the 
next few weeks the main purpose of England's mission 
was buried and forgotten. The distrust, which began 
over a discussion of principles, took the form of an 
open quarrel upon an immediate question. Now that 
the English and Dutch Commonwealths had agreed to 

1 Thurloe, Stale Papers, vii. 736. 

2 Blencowe, Sydney Papers, 172. See also Von Ranke, History of England, 
iii. 250. 

3 Sandwich MSS.Jouinal^ i. 105. 


enforce peace, they decided to do so by means of a 
joint fleet. Up to the time of their agreement the two 
fleets had acted as sentinels one upon the other, and 
as the guardians of two discrete interests. But now it 
was decided that several vessels should be withdrawn 
from each fleet, and the remainder, " as superfluous and 
extream expensive, should be sent to their respective 
homes." Suspicion was supposed to give place to 
common action. But the Dutch were in reality play- 
ing for their own hand, and their emissaries had 
secret orders not to dismiss above twenty of their own 
ships, and to send away a less number than the English. 1 
Yet the English had every trust in their allies. Besides 
the possibility, which crossed their minds, of bringing 
Mountagu home with a weakened force, they expressed 
a wish for the return of the fleet, " to attend the 
security of the nation at home, and protection of 
trade." 2 The English vessels had been in the Sound 
for more than four months, and the supply of pro- 
visions was fast decreasing. It was proposed that 
both fleets should be reduced within a given number 
of days, and round the debates over their return there 
arose a very pretty quarrel. 

If Mountagu were a convert to royalism, the re- 
turn of the ships afforded him his chance to help in 
a restoration. He had sufficient knowledge of the 
royalist movements to be aware that August was the 
month chosen for a general rising. Even though his 
natural caution kept him from a promise of participa- 
tion, there could be no harm in going home to watch 
the turn of events. How deeply he had committed 
himself to the Stewart cause can scarcely be gauged : 

1 Manley, The Late Warres, p. 87. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, i. 109-128. Mountagu's narration as to the 
return of the fleet has been largely used in the following pages. 


it is conceivable that he may have had some oppor- 
tunist idea of a Cromwellian restoration ; at any rate, 
he was ready to act against the Republicans. In 
the desire, therefore, that his hands might be free, he 
urged that the arrangements with the Dutch should 
be speedily concluded. And if he was loyal to the 
Government, he certainly mistrusted the Dutch, and 
regarded the negotiations as a "good touchstone" of 
their sincerity. Mountagu was unable to shake off the 
influence of Cromwell ; he had been trained to regard 
Sweden as a friend, and Holland as an enemy. He 
had helped the one and hampered the other. 

On the contrary, his colleague, Sydney, was wholly 
in favour of the new policy of combined action. For 
many days the Commissioners argued about the right 
proportion of ships which each ally should send 
home. It looked as though dreary disputes would 
keep the fleet for weeks in the Sound, and Mountagu 
deemed it unsafe to return with less than a month's 
provisions on board the vessels. He begged the Com- 
missioners to come to an immediate arrangement, for 
the Council of State had written again, urging a 
speedy return. They had doubts of Mountagu, and 
he was already informed by the Royalists that the 
Government intended to deprive him of the command, 
and to give it to their beloved Lawson. 1 They wished 
to get the vessels to England and to supersede the 
Admiral before the royalist rising, which they knew 
was imminent. 

Their policy suited Mountagu. He was more 
interested in the state of affairs at home than in the 
quarrels of Sweden and Denmark. But he was faced 
by long delays and interminable arguments. Sydney, 
who had abundant faith in the Dutch, argued for the 

1 Clarendon MSS., 61, f. 280. 


retention of fifteen ships, Mountagu was for leaving 
all or none. His purpose as a Royalist was to take 
over the whole fleet ; and he used cogent arguments 
against leaving a small number of vessels. How could 
such a number resist the Dutch, he asked, should they 
attempt an unfair carriage of the treaty ? He said, too, 
that he feared that they might be used for coercing 
Charles X., and handing the control of the Sound 
to Denmark and her allies, and for such an action 
he would take no responsibility. 

In his lengthy narrative of the negotiations, Mountagu 
mentions numerous other weapons which he drew 
from his armoury of arguments, but it is evident, at 
last, that the Commissioners were fined down to a dis- 
pute as to whether the whole fleet should sail or no. 
Honeywood and Boone went over to Mountagu's side, 
but Sydney was " high against him," and said that 

" if he should give his opinion for sendinge away the 
whole fleete he thought he should deserve to lose his 
head ; and againe that he was soe much against it, that 
if his owne father commanded the Fleete, yet if he 
could any wayes in the world hinder the saylinge of it, 
though by makinge the saylors mutinye against him, 
he would doe it." 

But Mountagu was not to be put off by Sydney's 
railing, and, as time went on, he determined to act 
according to his own judgment, and to take home the 
fleet. He knew that the time was ripe. On August 17 
he arranged to consult his Vice and Rear Admirals. 
But before Mountagu left his chamber for this purpose 
he received a visit from Sydney. The two men met 
with suave courtesies ; Mountagu began by an expres- 
sion of regret that their opinions differed so widely, 
more especially " because of the extraordinary kindness 
and civility " which Sydney had shown him. And 


Sydney was equally polite and equally regretful, but 
held to his opinion that the fleet should stay. Then 
says Mountagu : 

" I did still expresse my sorrow that matters should 
grow yet wider among us, but could not denye him 
his libertye. He told mee he must not protest against 
it here onely, but he must do the like in England and 
remonstrate it. Still I could not abridge him that. 
He repeated to mee that he thought he should deserve 
to lose his head if he should doe such a thinge. I 
replied little." 

The conversation grew more heated : Mountagu 
protested against Sydney's attitude, declared that 
there were two more Commissioners, and that he 
would obey the majority. 

" I had the liberty of my judgement and opinion," 
he said, " which I should, and had delivered and did 
not feare to account for it, to any power upon the face 
of this earth ; it should not want faithfulnesse and 
integrity whatever it did of wisdome." 

Then Sydney gave voice to his suspicions, and 
accused his colleague of intriguing with the King 
of Sweden. " I told him," says Mountagu, " it was 
true I did think the interest of England was not to 
have a war with Sweden (as the case stood)." But 
Sydney had an answer ready. " No," cried he, " but 
it is because the King of Sweden is against a Common- 
wealth that you are so earnest in this," and added that 
the King of Sweden was otherwise looked upon now 
in England than in the late Protector's days. Mountagu 
replied hotly that the interests of England were 
pledged to Sweden, " whatever forme exercised the 
chief magistracy." And then, although Mountagu 
naturally suppressed the fact in his narrative, Sydney 
accused him of treating with Charles Stewart. 1 For 

1 Clarendon MSS., 70, f. 132. 


Sydney was a shrewd man, and thought that the King 
of Sweden's hatred of a Commonwealth might have 
led him to discuss with Mountagu the possibility 
of Sweden's help towards a Stewart restoration. 

When the heat of controversy had died down, 
Mountagu prevailed upon Sydney to see for himself 
the state of affairs. Together they visited the flag- 
officers, who deplored the sickness in the fleet. The 
provisions, they said, would last one more month, but 
were insufficient for the journey ; and Goodson, the 
Vice-Admiral, declared that no merchantman would 
sail for England with less than five weeks' victuals and 
beverage on board. Then Mountagu made a show of 
yielding, and discussed the stay of fifteen vessels ; and 
" to gratify Colonel Sydney," a list of names was 
prepared. Yet after discussion nothing was done ; on 
the Saturday and Sunday evenings (August 20 and 21) 
" att it againe" writes Mountagu, "and before wee 
came to a resolution wee agreed to goe to the Dutch 
Commissioners to see if they would agree to a joynj; 
Fleete." But again nothing definite could be got from 
the Dutch : they would not name the ships they would 
retain, but promised to leave an equal force ; neither 
would they send their whole fleet home, but only into 
the Baltic or the Belt. 

Their promise would not satisfy Mountagu, who 
displayed a perpetual distrust of their proposals. But 
his narrative shows that not everyone was of his way 
of thinking: 

" Colonel Sydney, while wee discoursed," says the 
journal, "leaned in the window by himselfe apart, in a 
discontented manner, afterwards expressed himself 
against what we had asked, and that he was fully 
satisfied upon theire obligation offered, and walked 
about the room with Mon. Slingerland [the Dutch 
Commissioner] alone discoursinge. And then wee 


returned to our lodginge, and debated the matter againe 
amonge ourselves, when Colonel Sydney was high 
again in expressions, whereupon I earnestly desired 
the Commissioners wee might come to a vote, and putt 
an end to our contestations, but it was desired wee 
should sleepe upon it that night and meete earely in the 
morninge to decide it, the which wee did." 

Before the next phase of the discussion, the Vice- 
Admiral and two other officers sent a letter to 
Mountagu, calling attention to the need of provisions. 
Armed with this report, he began the next day's 
debate, and obtained a decision, even from Sydney, 
that victuals should not be taken from the greater 
ships and transferred to those less well stocked, 
though Sydney still urged the possibility of a supply 
being sent from shore. But Mountagu obstinately 
ignored this suggestion, called in a secretary, and 
arranged that a resolution should be drafted for the 
return of all the vessels except three. Sydney was 
disconcerted : he clamoured for at least fifteen sail to 
be left, but his colleagues outvoted him ; and it was 
decided that practically the whole fleet should sail for 
England. In order to cover their act, the Com- 
missioners prepared a draft of the resolution, which 
Mountagu and Honeywood signed ; no sooner had 
they done so than Boone discovered that the recent 
instructions did not give the Commissioners power 
over the fleet, and therefore withheld his signature. 
So Mountagu took the paper, tore out his own name 
and Honeywood's, and placed the order in his pocket. 

From that time forward he acted as Admiral, and on 
the lines of the original instructions which had been 
issued by Richard Cromwell. He informed his col- 
leagues that it was his intention to sail ; when their 
debate was ended, in came the French and Dutch 
Ambassadors, and Sydney, who had worked upon 


them secretly, desired Mountagu to inform them of his 
determination to take the fleet to England, " whereat 
they seemed troubled." But Mountagu insisted upon 
his point, and blamed the Commissioners for not 
agreeing to a joint and properly proportioned fleet, 
while he had provisions and to spare. They then 
begged him to stay, lest his going should put an end 
to the work, and assured him again and again that the 
necessary provisions could be bought on shore. But 
the royalist leaven was at work in Mountagu, and he 
swore that he had tried that expedient, and that pro- 
visions were not to be obtained. The Ambassadors 
were incredulous, and Sydney added fuel to the fire 
by crying out to them, " Gentlemen, he is laughing 
at you !" 

" It is not I, gentlemen, who laugh at you," Mountagu 
retorted, " but if your excellencies will not leave a 
part of your fleet to conclude the treaty, and send back 
the rest to Holland, as I am taking the rest of ours to 
England, I will never consent to leave any part of our 
fleet in the Sound." 

This ended the discussion, and Mountagu turned his 
back upon his colleagues. 

He had by that time prepared to sail at once for 
England. But before he actually left the Sound, 
Mountagu was careful to attend to certain forms. He 
consulted his flag-officers, and held a council of war ; 
it was then officially decided that, owing to the short- 
ness of provisions, the fleet should set sail for England. 1 
The council took place on August 23, and on the same 
day Mountagu made matters safer all round by a letter 
to the Council of State. " If God send us a prosperous 
passage," he wrote, " I might receive your further 
commands touching the disposition of the fleete." He 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, i. 107. 


emphasized the instant need of provisions, and begged 
that supplies should be ready for him upon the east 
coast. Then he touched upon the treaty, which he 
said was not begun, for the King of Denmark was 
quibbling as to forms, whereas the King of Sweden 
was ready " to facilitate the treaty by wavinge such 
ceremonious thinges." Since there was no hope of a 
settlement, he claimed that his return was justified. 

" I shall only add," he concluded, " that I pray God 
your commissioners there may have a happy guidance 
in the future stepps they are to take, and that for my 
selfe I have discharged my judgement and conscience 
freely and fully unto them." 1 

On the following day Mountagu said farewell to the 
King of Sweden. The departure of the English fleet 
fitted Swedish policy, for fifteen vessels could have 
been used by Sydney and the Dutch to coerce the King 
into accepting a disadvantageous treaty. Charles X. 
held a strong position on land, and was left with but 
one fleet to face. He was most grateful. " Mountagu 
has played his part well," he wrote, " and rendered us 
a great service." 2 He showed his gratitude by pre- 
senting the Admiral with a magnificent jewel, and to 
each of the commanders of the English fleet he sent a 
medal and a chain of gold. 3 Thus honoured, and amid 
the booming of cannon from the Swedish forts, the 
ships weighed anchor and sailed for the English coast. 4 
Only three small vessels were left behind for the use 
of the Commissioners. 

1 Clarke Papers, iv. 291. 

2 Carlson, Geschichte Schwedens, iv. 342 ; Carte MSS., 73, f. 313. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 107 ; Guizot, Richard Cromwell, 
i. 480. The jewel which Charles X. presented to Mountagu "contained the 
King's own picture, most excellently done" (Pepys's Diary, September 3, 
1660 ; March 4, 1661). 

4 See also Carte MSS., 223, flF. 188, TOO. 


No sooner was Mountagu in sight of home than he 
was met by a vessel which brought him bad news. 
While the Commissioners had been arguing over the 
return of the fleet, the royalist rising in England had 
taken place. For some time men had gathered in secret, 
horses had been bought, lead melted for bullets, breast- 
plates and headpieces furbished up, and the weapons 
which had hung upon the walls since the civil wars 
were once again taken down. When August came in, 
the risings began. But they were sporadic ; a handful 
of men in Herefordshire, about forty gentlemen near 
Tonbridge, a small band in Sussex, and a few London 
apprentices, took up arms. 1 The extent of the plot 
was known to Thurloe, a census of the horses round 
London was taken, and all suspects were arrested. 
The only dangerous rising was that headed by Sir 
George Booth, a member who had been "secluded" 
from the House. In company with one or two of the 
territorial nobility, Booth seized Chester and declared 
for a full and free Parliament. Though the name of 
Charles was unmentioned, the rising was known to be 
part of a project for letting in the Stewarts. Charles 
was actually at Calais ; his brother was at Boulogne 
with 2,000 French soldiers, and ships for transport. 
Together with Mountagu and his fleet, a formidable 
attack might have been made. But the continued 
failures denied the rising all chance of success. Booth's 
troops were defeated by Lambert, and some days later 
Booth himself was taken, disguised as a woman. He 
was examined, but nothing treasonable could be 
brought against him, and he was released on bail. A 
few members of Parliament who were implicated in 

1 For Booth's insurrection, see Clarke Papers^ iv. 30-50. In Clarendon 
MSS., 63, f. 87, there is a list of the apprentices "who engaged to rise for 
the King." 


the rising were fined, but the Government was too 
weak to take any violent action against the con- 
spirators, and Booth's rebellion was forgotten amid 
later events. 

Before Mountagu actually left the Sound, his " mortal 
enimye," Sydney, wrote to the Council, and disclaimed 
all responsibility for the fleet's return. He protested 
that Mountagu had rendered it impossible for the peace 
to be enforced on either combatant, and that by his 
action we had broken faith with the Hague ; as for the 
difficulty over provisions, that he ridiculed. 1 He was 
convinced, he said later, that a few shot of our cannon 
would have made the peace. 2 Parliament took their 
cue from this report, and from a similar protest sent 
in by the Dutch Ambassador. While they debated 
their action, there came Mountagu's letter of August 27, 
which announced his return with the whole fleet. 3 A 
resolution was hurriedly passed that fifteen ships 
should return to the Sound, 4 and three commissioners, 
one of whom was Mountagu's old Huntingdonshire 
enemy, Valentine Walton, were sent down to South- 
wold Bay to meet Mountagu and hear his explanation. 5 
The commissioners also examined Goodson, but the 
Vice-Admiral was loyal to his chief; not only did he 
affirm that his vessels were in dire need of stores and 
provisions, but he sent his report to Mountagu that the 
Admiral might correct it, and " mind anything of con- 
cernment." 6 Mountagu also drew up a lengthy narra- 
tive, which he read to the Council, and which later 
was read in the House. 7 He was under a cloud of 

Thurloe, vii. 731. 2 Blencowe, Sydney Papers, 172. 

Clarke Papers, iv. 296. 

Commons' journals; Cal. S. P., Dom., September 2 and 3. 
Carte MSS., 73, f. 300 : Vane to Mountagu. See f. 304. 
Ibid., 73, f. 306: Goodson to Mountagu, September 13. 
Commons' Journals, September 16. The narrative was not copied into 
the journals of the House. 


suspicion ; an informant had loosened tongue under 
the mixture of a flagon of wine and a flagon of beer. 
" Charles Stewart was ready by the waterside with 
ten thousand men," was his story, " and Mountagu was 
engaged to bring him over." 1 

Though the Council was convinced of the motive 
for Mountagu's return, the members had no real 
evidence against him. They were content to mark 
their disapproval of his action by two harmless reso- 
lutions submitted to Parliament one, to send back a 
part of the fleet ; the other, to affirm their sincerity 
towards the Dutch. 2 They then prepared an elaborate 
order that the whole question should be considered. 3 
Further than that nothing was done. An attack on 
Mountagu would have exposed the weakness of their 
rule, and called attention to the increase of royalism ; 
he was asked to remain in London for some days, and 
attend the Council if called upon to do so. It was 
then that he wrote to Richard Cromwell, still styling 
him " your Highness," and assuring him of his obe- 
dience. The answer ran : 

" I can assure your Lordship that I rejoyce at your 
safe and healthfull arrival, and shall be moste glad to 
hear that you are gott over the threshold of your present 
troublesome stay in London, the country being the 
moste proper place for persons that are out of imploy- 
ment. We that are sick desire to change our trades. 
Oh, that it would please God that poor tossed Ingland 
might at laste finde a quiet harbour." 4 

If Mountagu wrote to Richard Cromwell in order 
to conceal his motives, he had still done sufficient to 
convince many of the Royalists that he was a friend 

1 Clarendon MSS., 64, f. 329: Bear's information against Clarke and 

2 Commons' Jottrnals, September 2. 

3 Cat. S. P., Dom., September 16 ; Carte M6S. t 73, f. 310. 
* Clarke Papers, iv. 296-298. 


to a Stewart restoration. For weeks he had been a 
much-discussed man, their hopes of him blew to and 
fro with the wind, their faith quickened and died. 1 
" What you expect from Mountagu and Monck will 
never come to pass," wrote one. 2 At the beginning of 
August nothing definite had been heard from him. 3 
But Charles was hopeful. " A very moderate assist- 
ance in this conjuncture," wrote he, " would very neere 
with the blessing of God restore mee." 4 And when 
the fleet moved, though too late for Booth's insurrec- 
tion, Mountagu's intentions were regarded as wholly 
loyal to the Stewart cause. It was known that letters 
had reached his cousin, " and that the men at West- 
minster had never had any advertisement of it, besides 
many letters by the last post mention at least great 
jealousies of Mountagu." 8 The account of his return 
given to Charles was couched in no uncertain language. 

" Without all doubt," wrote Barwick, " Lord Moun- 
tagu intended really your service when he set sail 
from the Sound, having heard of the party up in 
Cheshire. His return was opposed and protested 
against by the Plenipotentiaries ; and the contest grew 
so hot, as Sydney told him, he knew his errand, and 
your Majesty was in his heart. Yet having but five 
weeks provision left, and having got a council of war 
on his side, he came away with intention to block up 
the Thames with a squadron, and to employ the rest 
for the transportation of men, as occasion should 
require. In his return he met the news of Sir G. 
Booth's miscarriage and imprisonment : whereupon 
not knowing what to do, nor where to dispose the 
fleet, he put in at Solebay." 

Hyde also wrote to Ormond of an assurance given 
by young Mountagu that the fleet came home " with 
honest purposes to the King," but that the news of 

1 Clarendon MSS., 62, f. 5 ; 63, ff. 3, 5, 201. 

2 Ibid., 63, f. 4. 3 Ibid., 63, f. 9 : Charles to Herbert. 
4 Ibid., 62, f. 203. 6 Ibid., 64, f. 84 : Hyde to Ormond. 


Booth's failure only reached the vessels when they 
were upon the coast, too late " to unite them in any 
brave and desperate undertaking." 1 

Both Royalist and Republican were convinced of 
Mountagu's real intentions, yet as he lacked the power 
to serve the one, so it was determined that he should 
not serve the other. He was elbowed out of his work, 
and for the rest of the year he retired to Hinching- 
brooke, while the affairs of the kingdom went rapidly 
into a more crazy condition. Lambert, who was said 
to aim at filling Cromwell's shoes, and Fleetwood, who 
was partly led by him, pulled one way; the Parlia- 
mentary Republicans pulled another. Their leader, 
Sir Harry Vane, who treated politics as a Christian 
science, was unable to reconcile the conflicting inter- 
ests. The reign of Christ and His saints, which he 
hoped for, seemed farther and farther away. The people 
cried for bread. The Unhappy Marksman propounded 
its query to the nation, " Whether the name of a Free 
State be able in a dear year to feed poor people with 
bread and porridge?" 3 The nation was tired of fac- 
tion, with its talk about Senates and Sanhedrins ; and 
sick of men, 

" such as are resolved to raise themselves by the ruin 
of others, making religion a stalking horse to policy, 
and the people a stirrup to mount themselves into the 
saddle of their so much desired greatness, in these 
tottering, deplorable, groaning and rolling times." 3 

A daring little pamphlet wanted to know whether 
Charles Stewart were not better qualified for the 

1 Carte, Original Letters , ii. 212, 236 : Barwick to the King, September 12 ; 
Hyde to Ormond, October n. 

2 The Unhappy Marksman (Thomason Tracts ; E. 986, No. 5) contains 
twenty-three queries. These squibs, in the form of queries, were in great 

3 TJie New Lord's Winding Sheet, E. 986, No. 7. 


supreme magistracy than the son of the late Usurper. 1 
Without a settled government England was in a sorry 
state; the Royalists, indeed, were confident that the 
general discontent was so great "that they would 
now boggle at nothing the King should do." 2 It only 
needed a downright disagreement among the rulers to 
provoke further discontent, to upset the government, 
and to make a Stewart restoration the best promise of 
a remedy for the nation's sores. " If these divisions 
continue and grow wider," said a Commonwealth man, 
"such an advantageous gappe would be open to our 
olde enemy that an easy entry he would find, especially 
assisted by foreign forces." 3 

Disagreement soon arose over the old quarrel 
between army and Parliament. On Richard Crom- 
well's deposition, back came the old " Rump," which 
Oliver had turned out six years before; men like 
Harry Vane, Arthur Haselrig, and Edward Ludlow, 
Commonwealth men, were once more in the saddle. 
They prepared to settle the country without King, 
peers, or the government of any single person, and 
rejected any members whose opinions were likely to 
clash with their own. For the settlement it was neces- 
sary that the civil power should control the army. 
But the control was not easy to obtain ; for years the 
soldiers had been a healing factor, and the men had 
their own theories of government. To irritate them 
was madness, especially since they were unpaid, dis- 
contented, and self-assertive. They were troubled at 
the frequent cashiering of officers, and petitioned Par- 
liament, setting forth their grievances and demands. 
Lambert, who had ambitions of his own, led them and 

1 Loyal Queries, etc., E. 986, No. 15. 

2 Clarendon MSS. , 64, f. 74 : Sambourne to Hyde, August 26. 

3 Ibid., 66, f. 78. 

i6 5 9] MONCK TAKES A HAND 161 

encouraged them, in defiance of the prohibition and 
warnings of the House, with the result that he and 
eight of his officers were deprived of their commissions. 
Fleetwood was deprived of the commandership-in- 
chief, though he was added to the commission of seven 
which was empowered to control military affairs. The 
answer to these changes was simple. On October 13 
a great force of soldiers, with Lambert at their head, 
surrounded Westminster Hall, and excluded the 
Speaker and most of the members. Once more Eng- 
land passed into a state of anarchy. The year had 
begun with a Protectorate, then came an interregnum 
when the army ruled, that was followed by the rump 
of a Parliament, and lastly the revolutionary expedient 
of a Committee of Safety was tried, and met with little 
respect. 1 No man could say where the sovereign 
power resided, except the soldiers, who pointedly 
tapped their swords. A firm hand was needed to 
unravel the constitutional tangle. 


"There be three Parts of Businesse : The Preparation; The Debate, or 
Examination ; And the Perfection. Whereof, if you looke for Dispatch, let 
the Middle onely be the Worke of Many, and the Firste and Laste the Worke 
of Few." BACON : OJ Dispatch. 

The man who first took advantage of these quarrels, 
and set himself to pick up the constitutional threads, 
was George Monck. The portrait which hangs at 
Hinchingbrooke depicts him with the features of a 
country squire ; there is a heaviness about the face, 
which is brought out by its setting of dark hair, and 
the meditative look is one not often seen on the face 

1 Brit. Mus. Thomason Tract E. 1917, No. 2, has a list of the changes of 
Government in England between May, 1659, and May, 1660. 



of " honest George." In the main he was a man of 
action. For five years he kept order in Scotland, and 
had enhanced his military reputation, already great, 
by the strict discipline which he maintained among 
his men. He served Oliver Cromwell faithfully, and 
was prepared to be loyal to Richard ; but Monck, like 
Mountagu, was disgusted by Richard's dissolution of 
his Parliament. " Richard Cromwell forsook himself," 
was his comment, " else I had never failed my promise 
to his father or regard to his memory." x Though he 
submitted to the new Commonwealth which succeeded 
the Protectorate, he had no faith in its ability to control 
national affairs. The Royalists knew this, and when 
they approached Mountagu they sounded Monck. 
Had Booth's rising succeeded, Monck's army would 
have been cast into the scale on the side of a " full and 
free Parliament"; but upon the failure at Chester he 
remained inactive. When Parliament interfered with 
his regiments, and attempted to cashier certain of his 
officers, he, like Mountagu, sought retirement, " as one 
weary with the world's transactions, and desirous to 
live retired with a peaceable enjoyment of what he 
hath got." 2 Only when he heard of the breach be- 
tween the Parliament and army did he resolve to take 
a hand in the game. 

But in order to gain time he negotiated with 
Lambert and Fleetwood and the ministers of the 
congregated churches. During October and Novem- 
ber, commissioners passed backwards and forwards 
between England and Scotland. Monck's attitude was 
clear, though he kept it secret and progressively in- 
creased his demands. He set against the remedies 

1 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 628. 

2 Clarendon MSS., 64, f. 320. The passage begins: "Mountagu is 
returned home, but finds not an entertainment suitable to his expectation." 

From a portrait by Robert Walker 

To face p. 162 of Vol. I 


of his opponents the remedy, for England, of a full and 
free Parliament. This violent interruption of their 
sitting, he said, was a courtesy to the Stewarts. 1 At 
the same time he made it plain that Parliament was to 
be neither the creation of an army nor of a Church, but 
a Parliament which should admit men of all opinions. 
It was his counterblast to the " intolerable slavery of a 
sword Government." If it should include Royalists 
and Republicans, Brownists and Anglicans, men of 
irreconcilable tenets, still Monck persisted that his 
conscience and commission called for such a settle- 
ment. He approached a distracted nation with some 
thought of government by consent, whereas his 
opponents offered government by discretion. While 
Lambert's troops were discontented and unpaid, 
Monck had behind him a small but loyal army, a 
well-filled purse, and a stoutly-garrisoned country. 
He rallied to his standard all the opponents of military 
rule, and the remnant of the old Council of State grate- 
fully put into his hands the command of all the forces 
both in England and Scotland. Monck used his 
influence with the navy. We take our commissions 
and pay from the Parliament, he wrote, and are now 
asked to violate their authority. 2 His words carried 
weight. Before the year was out the fleet had also 
declared for a restoration of the Parliament, the forces 
in Ireland followed their example, and on December 26 
the members whom Lambert had ejected were once 
again enabled to take their seats. Though it was not 
such an assembly as Monck desired, the sitting of 
Parliament served his purpose ; it was at least a step 
towards the abolition of military rule. 3 

1 Thomason Tracts, 669, f. 22, No. 20 ; Clarke Papers, iv. 70. 

2 Thomason Tracts, 669, f. 22, No. 20. 

3 Baker, Chronicle, p. 699, hints that the return of the Parliament was 
actually embarrassing to Monck. 


In all the news of these disturbances and negotia- 
tions Edward Mountagu was well posted. His old 
"particular confidant," Griffith Lloyd, sent him the 
first letter, which concludes : " The old courtiers begin 
to peep abroad, who hope to find more favour at the 
hands of the army than the Parliament. We live in 
a very unsettled, distracted air." 1 Another corre- 
spondent was Samuel Pepys, who kept watch upon 
his patron's affairs in London. He sent down some 
pamphlets for Mountagu's diversion, and gave him the 
first hint which persuaded him to return to public life. 
" I finde many of your officers," he writes, " desirous 
to have your Lordship to theire Colonell againe, and 
intende to move for it." 2 He wrote lengthy letters 
describing the riots between the soldiers and the city 
apprentices ; the stones, tiles, and turnips, which the 
civilians threw, when one man "was very near having 
his brains knocked out with a brickbat flung from the 
top of an house," and how the soldiers let fly their 
muskets and killed and wounded several people. 3 And 
John Creed, who had been with Mountagu in the 
Sound, wrote also, hoping that Mountagu would not 
suffer too captious a spirit to grow on him. It had 
given Creed, so he said, much content to see some 
of those men dismounted, who gave the Admiral no 
better reception at his return; and now he begged 
Mountagu to put his hand to the work, and to help 
save this "poor broken nation." 4 

It was hardly in Mountagu's power to do much ; 
his retirement did not arise from pique, but came of 
necessity. Since September the fleet had been trans- 
ferred from his command, and put under that of his 
old enemy Lawson, the Anabaptist and Republican ; 

1 Clarke Papers, iv. 298. 2 Carte MSS., 73, f. 320, October 20. 

3 Ibid., 73, f. 322 et passim. 4 Ibid., 73, f. 323. 


without fleet or regiment, Mountagu had no more 
power than a private citizen. He had to wait until 
events turned in his favour. That he did not readily 
declare himself was natural ; he was not in Monck's 
confidence, nor did he know more than another what 
were Monck's intentions. His own inclinations were 
towards royalism, and it is certain that he was for a 
restoration, either of the Cromwell House or of Charles 
Stewart. But he was sick of sudden changes ; so far 
they had brought him nothing but disappointment. 
This time he determined to be certain of his ground, 
and took no definite step. He waited until Pepys, 
who was still in London, could see how matters lay, 
before pen was put to paper. 1 But though the officers 
of the fleet begged that he would return to the service, 
Mountagu's answer in no way pledged him. 

" I have received a letter from you," he wrote to a 
commander, "dated the 5th instant, whereby I under- 
stand the expression of the love and respect of the 
officers of the Fleete unto me, whereoff I am Duely 
sensible, and entreate you to returne them my heartye 
thanks. I have bene of late confined to my chamber 
by a distemper, and although (through God's Good- 
nesse) I am gott abroad againe, yet very unfitt to 
travaile, and I perceive by the printed proclamation 
for a parliament that the matter is determined con- 
cerning which advise was to^be taken, soe that now 
I shall not need to add more, save that I am your 
truely affectionate freind, and humble servant." 2 

This letter of Mountagu's shows the caution which 
characterized all his actions. He waited a fortnight 

1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 339. Pepys, in writing to Mountagu, left a blank for a 
name, probably Lawson's. Mountagu's letter was on the lines laid down 
by Pepys. 

2 Carte MSS., 73, f. 211, December 18. On December 5 the Council of 
Officers of the Fleet had transmitted for Mountagu's approval the names of 
four Admirals and five Captains, in addition to his own name, proposed with 
the agreement of the armies of England, Ireland, and Scotland, as a Committee 
on Naval Affairs (ibid. y 73, f. 327). 


before he answered the address of the officers, and 
that fortnight gave him time to see what the fleet 
would do. The delay was justified. The printed 
proclamation to which he refers was a very different 
paper from any to which he would have put his signa- 
ture. It was drafted after the officers' letter to him, 
and before Mountagu sent his answer. As soon as he 
read it, he determined to keep aloof from any such 
business. The declaration of the fleet was in reality 
a republican manifesto, and an interesting document 
at that. Lawson, who drew it up, declared that the 
fleet intended to beget a right understanding between 
Parliament and the army, and restore the former by 
force if needs be. 1 Their aim was the particular 
interest of Christ, the weal of the people of God, and 
their civil and religious rights. They disclaimed the 
interest of Charles Stewart and all his adherents, or 
any single person whatsoever. And in conclusion 
the officers outlined a programme of social reform, 
which included the repeal of all laws which were 
contrary to the Word of God. 2 

The declaration, which upheld Parliamentary au- 
thority, "derived from a civil rather than a military 
fountain," was most unwelcome to Lambert and the 
leaders of the army. 3 But it did not declare for a 
settlement such as Mountagu desired, and it was 
impossible for him to sign it. Not only did Mountagu 
distrust Lawson, the author of the document, but he 

1 Baker, Chronicle, p. 698, says that a certain Colonel Streater, a Royalist, 
urged the fleet to declare for Parliament. It was part of the Royalist policy 
that Parliament should assemble. 

2 Mercurins Politicus, December 22-29, E. 773, No. 35. Other points of 
interest are the abolition of the Excise, no impressment in the army or navy, 
the right to work, and the maintenance of the lame and the impotent. Signed 
by Lawson and others, December 13. 

i 3 Granville Penn (Memorials of Penn, ii, 183-194) gives a picture of the 
consequent intrigues. 

i66o] THE NEW YEAR 167 

objected to avowed republicanism, and to a declara- 
tion which was specific against Charles Stewart or 
any single person. On one point Mountagu had been 
firm he believed in a supreme Head of the State, 
whether the Protectoral House of Cromwell or the 
Stewart line. To sign such a paper, in consideration 
of his life in the past and his ideas for the future, 
would have been to sign the death-warrant of his 
career and his hopes. So he wrote that the matter 
was determined " concerning which advice was to be 
taken," and remained at Hinchingbrooke. He was 
doubtful as to which way affairs would go, and un- 
aware whether Monck was for another experiment 
or for a monarchy. Of experiments in government 
Mountagu had had enough. He had made all prepara- 
tions for retiring. In December he began to dismantle 
his lodgings in Whitehall; his steward, Edward Shepley, 
was busy in London, sending "boxes of writings," 
furniture, cedar chests, and pictures, down to Hinching- 
brooke, and was ready to sell Mountagu's wine. 1 The 
lodgings were actually allotted to Sir Anthony Ashley 
Cooper. 2 But as the new year came in, events were 
too uncertain for absolute withdrawal. There were 
temptations to an opportunist, and Mountagu began 
once more to look round him. He was sufficiently 
friendly with Cooper, and the two were sufficiently in 
sympathy to ask and grant requests, and the lodgings 
did not change hands ; Shepley was sent back into the 
country, and the keys were given to Mr. Pepys. 3 

But Mountagu still remained at Hinchingbrooke, 
and depended upon Samuel Pepys and his ciphered 
letters for the London news. There was abundant 

1 Carte MSS., 73, ff. 336, 337. 

2 Cal. S. P., Dom., January 9, 1660. 

3 Carte MSS., 73, f. 212 ; Pepys's Diary, January 19 and 21, 1660. 


food for correspondence, especially about Monck's 
doings. The General had secured his communica- 
tions, and on January 2 he crossed the Tweed with 
an army of about 7,000. The only force arrayed 
against him, in some sort of an endeavour to 
keep the good old cause alive, was a force under 
Lambert. But as Monck advanced, Lambert's regi- 
ments gradually deserted him, and Monck reached 
London without any serious resistance. All along the 
route he was given petitions in favour of the return of 
the members purged by Pride in 1648. The nation 
as a whole began to recognize him as a temporary 
dictator ; it was to him that they looked for the 
security of Parliament. Monck's letter to the Speaker 
was assuring ; he congratulated the Rump on its 
restoration to just and lawful authority, and " these 
Nations to their rights and freedomes," and promised 
that, in pursuance of his duty and trust, he would 
attack all those who opposed their " sitting in freedom 
and honour." 1 The Parliament, despite an emptiness 
of purse, showered upon Monck lands and honours. 2 
His entry into London was made with all manner of 
triumph : the troops marched down Chancery Lane 
and along the Strand ; the General gallantly mounted, 
his officers with red and white favours in their hats, 
his trumpeters and footmen richly habited in red 
livery laced with silver; and with him were the best 
foot-soldiers in the world. 3 But the silence of the 
citizens who lined the streets, or their calls for a free 
Parliament, helped Monck to realize the unpopularity 
of the Rump. 4 He saw that the members looked upon 

1 Clarke Papers, iv. 239, January 6. 

2 Commons' Journals, January 26. 

3 The Publick Intelligencer, February 6, E. 773 ; Hist. MSS. Comm. : 
Leyborne-Popham MSS., 144. 

4 Pepys's Diary, February 3. 

1660] MONCK IN LONDON 169 

him as their instrument. Opposite Somerset House 
the Speaker met him, and greeted him in the name of 
the Parliament. Then the whole cavalcade passed on 
to Whitehall, and for some days St. James's Park, 
where the soldiers encamped, was the meeting-place 
of every idle sight-seer in London. 

But though Parliament extended such a warm 
welcome to Monck and his soldiers, in a few weeks 
their joy was turned to sorrow. The General spurned 
the hand which was stretched out for him to kiss. At 
first he behaved as a loyal servant. When the City of 
London refused to pay any taxes, except to a full and 
free Parliament, the Rump bade Monck coerce them. 
With an unwilling hand he carried out his orders ; 
the posts and chains which marked the City boundaries 
were destroyed, and the gates rendered useless, while 
some of the Common Council were put under arrest. 
The extreme Commonwealth men were overjoyed at 
what they considered a sign of Monck's subservience. 
" All is our own," cried Haselrig; "he will be honest." 1 
But, as one of them said, their wine was soon turned 
to water. Within a few days Monck had made his 
peace with the City Fathers, and went to reside among 
them. Step by step he showed the Republicans that 
their days were numbered. At his demand, Lambert 
and Vane, the extremists, were dismissed from any 
further service ; and Vane went, warning his fellows 
that "Monck had yet several masques to pull off." 2 
As the General adroitly sent the soldiers who favoured 
the Rump to garrison some far-off town, and replaced 
them with his own men, so the actual government 
of the nation rested more and more in his hands. He 
hoodwinked many of the members of the House, and 
resolution after resolution was passed, which paved 

1 Ludlow, Memoirs, ii. 219. ' 2 Ibid., ii. 221. 


the way towards a restoration. The order of 1648, by 
which Parliament had been purged, was vacated ; the 
secluded members were once again admitted to their 
seats ; Booth and other Royalists were released from 
the Tower ; Monck was made Commander-in-Chief of 
all the forces ; and an attempt to insert in Monck's 
commission a clause against government by a " single 
person " was negatived. 1 All oaths and engagements 
were opposed by the General ; he relied neither on 
"Cavalier nor Phanatick, but on the sober Gentry." 2 
The secluded members agreed to provide for the army, 
to appoint a Council of State, and to arrange a legal 
dissolution. A new Parliament was summoned for 
April 25, and amid jeers from the little street boys, the 
clang of the church bells, and bonfires and rejoicings, 
the Rump voted its own dissolution, which was to 
take place at the middle of March. 3 

From the day people were assured that the Rump 
was doomed, a new spirit spread over England. The 
downfall of the old Parliament was celebrated in 
countless ballads, and pamphlets and broadsides openly 
advocated a Stewart restoration. 4 The more dignified 
of the pamphlets appealed for a limited monarchy, 
basing the freedom of the subject upon Magna Carta 
and the Petition of Right. b A later pamphlet declared 
that the first thing to be done by a free Parliament was 
to recall the lawful heir; 6 and yet another came out 

1 Common? Journals, February 21-25. 

2 Baker, Chronicle, pp. 700, 705. 

3 Most of the letters to Mountagu in which Pepys described all these doings 
have unfortunately disappeared. There are one or two of them among the 
Carte MSS., but none at Hinchingbrooke, unless a further search reveals them. 

4 Several of the ballads are printed. See Thomason Tracts, E. 1833, and 
T. Wright, Political Ballads of the Commonwealth. 

5 A Plea for Limited Monarchy, E. 765, No. 3. See Pepys's Diary, 
February 20. 

6 A Pertinent Speech . . . , E. 1017, No. 18. 


with the attractive title No King but the Old King's 
Son. 1 Wonderful stories were told about children, 
newly born or of tender years, who had cried, " A 
King, a King !" and predicted the restoration. 2 Not 
only did the papers show Royalist aspirations, but the 
literature of those particular weeks contains every 
sign of a real disgust with the Commonwealth and 
army, and there is every indication that trade was 
rarely at a lower ebb. 

It was a great relief to the nation as a whole when 
some freedom of political thought was assured. At 
length Mountagu, with all his caution, was sufficiently 
certain of the trend of affairs to leave Hinchingbrooke 
and take up the old work. He did not do so without 
being called. On the day Monck entered the City, 
lodgings at Whitehall were allotted to Mountagu ; on 
February 21 he was put upon the Committee to con- 
sider a new Council of State, and two days later, side 
by side with John Crew, he was elected to the Council. 
The threads were picked up twelve years back ; and 
Mountagu appeared again neither as Lord nor General, 
but as the Colonel of 1648. On Monck's suggestion he 
was given back his regiment of horse, and restored to 
his place in the navy. 3 Power was placed in his hands ; 
he was made General -at -Sea "for next summer's 
expedition," with Monck as colleague, the two men to 
act jointly and severally. They had liberty to nominate 
and approve of all the captains and lieutenants to be 
employed in the navy, to grant commissions under the 
seal of the anchor ; and Mountagu was again made 
a Commissioner of the Admiralty. 4 When his 
appointment was secure he obtained an official list of 

1 Brit. Mus., 669, f. 24, No. 30. 

2 The Age of Wonders: Thomason Tracts, E. 1017, No. 37. 

3 Baker, Chronicle, pp. 719-721 ; Carte MSS., 73, f. 422. 

4 Commons' 1 Journals, February 21 to March 3. 


the fleet, and added his own notes of the persons fit to 
be captains and lieutenants of certain ships of war. 1 
His recommendations were adopted by the Council, 
and the necessary changes made. 2 Out went Republi- 
cans. On the vital point of a single person his mind 
was already made up, and the right opinion of the 
fleet ensured. Mountagu was as firm over this, as 
he was that the restoration should come about by our 
own navy and army, without help from abroad. 

His appointment to the actual command of the fleet 
was of the utmost importance to the Royalists. At 
first they feared that Lawson's influence was pre- 
dominant, but now the same correspondent considered 
that Mountagu was the one man to gain over the 
commanders, and had great faith that he would be 
honest. 3 But Mountagu was as cautious and as secret 
as Monck, and for a time there was some doubt as to 
his future action. Whatever was in the mind of either 
man, he kept his own counsel, and kept it well ; a false 
move would have wrecked the settlement, and Monck 
and Mountagu were both content that the royalist 
hopes should be nourished upon reports rather than 
assurances. Mountagu returned to London early in 
March, and his doings were eagerly watched from 
across the water. To begin with, there was a certainty 
that some form of government in a " single person " 
was bound to come, and it was only a question whether 
it should be Charles Stewart, George Monck, or 
Richard Cromwell. 4 It was bruited about that 
Mountagu favoured Cromwell ; and with his name 

1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 222. The list is dated February 22. 

* Ibid., 73, f. 231. 

8 Sambourneto Hyde: Letters of February 24 (Lister's Clarendon, iii. 85-92), 
and March 9 (in Clarendon MSS.). 

* Pepys's Diary, March 2. See also Baker, Chronicle, pp. 715, 716, for 
the offer made to Monck. 


were coupled those of Oliver St. John and Thurloe, 
both well-known " Protectorians." 1 But it was a weak 
design, and the idea that it should command Mountagu's 
support seemed to Hyde so ridiculous that he could not 
believe it. 2 It is doubtful whether the Admiral gave to 
such a plan more than a passing thought. At times of 
intense excitement every rumour gains temporary 
credence and consideration, and Mountagu had the King 
in his mind. But he was still cautious. He told Pepys 
" that he did believe it would not last long if he [Richard 
Cromwell] were brought in ; no, nor the King neither 
(though he seems to think that he will come in) unless 
he carry himself very soberly and well." 3 And this 
chance remark of Mountagu's gives the key to his 
opinion. He was then staying with his father-in-law, 
and Crew had his own scheme for a restoration. This 
was one which would restore Charles "upon condi- 
tions "; laying down certain constitutional safeguards, 
such as Parliamentary control of the militia. 

" I can assure your Majesty," wrote a Royalist to 
Charles, "that Mountagu has absolutely forsaken 
Thurloe, St. John and all that Caball, and doth now 
wholly cleave to his father-in-law, and his Party. . . . 
And he said within these three days to a great inti- 
mate of his and mine, thus : ' Sir, the true reason why 
I left the one, and cleave to the other, is, because I 
playnely see, there is an utter impossibility of settle- 
ment without bringing in the King ; and I professe, I 
had rather the Nation were setled, though I and my 
whole Family suffer by it, as I know I shall.'" 4 

Though the Royalists were assured of Mountagu, 
no one was really sure of Monck. He was still 

1 Clarendon MSS., 70, ff. 85, 132. The name "Protectorians" occurs in 
contemporary pamphlets e.g., E. 1019, No. 10 : The Private Debates oj the 
Late Rump. 

2 See also Clarendon State Papers, iii. 701. 3 Pepys's Diary, March 6. 
4 Clarendon MSS., 70, f. 203. Mostly printed in Clarendon State Papers, 

iii. 703. 


protesting to the Republicans that he wished " his 
right hand may rott off if he have the least design for 
the King, or if he doe not oppose it to the last drop 
of his blood." 1 But Monck was like Thurloe : "he 
would go the Nation's pace and no faster." 2 He had 
prepared the ways, and made the paths straight. 
Before Parliament finally dissolved, March 16, it was 
agreed that there should be neither oaths of abjuration 
nor pledges against the Stewarts. Some of the soldiers 
whose creed was " no single person," and no House of 
Lords, protested against Monck's doings ; but his 
magnificent discipline and his adroit management 
controlled even the malcontents of the army. All 
pointed to Monck's acquiescence in Charles Stewart's 
return, and he was again cautiously approached by the 
Royalists, who were in their turn cautiously received. 
By the end of March, Monck's mind was fully made up ; 
he had sent a verbal message of loyalty to Charles, 
and pledged himself that the soldiers should not hinder 
a restoration. 

The most difficult task which Monck had was that 
of composing the disorders in the army, and Moun- 
tagu had a matter which required tact and firmness 
when he undertook to control the fleet. He determined 
to go to sea as soon as possible, and after making 
certain of some money, and dealing with " infinity of 
applications" through Mr. Secretary Pepys, he was 
able to set out. On March 23 he went on board the 
Swiftsure, lying between Erith and Gravesend. His 
Vice-Admiral was Lawson, the same man who had 
thwarted him often before, but who now sent his con- 
gratulations on an appointment of which he foresaw 
the outcome. 3 For a royalist agent had been at work 

1 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 703. 2 Clarendon MSS., 70, f. 132. 

3 Carte MSS., 73, ff. 355, 449. 

i66o] BACK TO THE FLEET 175 

upon Lawson, and, like many others, he became an 
opportunist, and at least preferred to do what Moun- 
tagu should direct him. 1 He welcomed the Admiral 
on board, and amid apparent peace the ships sailed to 
the Downs. But a few days later there were reports 
of unrest 

" a great whispering of some of the Vice-Admiral's 
captains that they were dissatisfied, and did intend to 
fight themselves to oppose the General. It was soon 
hushed, however, and the Vice-Admiral did wholly 
deny any such thing, and protested to stand by the 
General." 2 

But Mountagu was not satisfied with protesta- 
tions, for he knew, as he said, that some of the captains 
had " double-shotted " their guns, to lay him aboard in 
the Hope before his ship was filled. 3 He prepared 
lists of commanders, and of those in the Navy Office, 
taking care to weed out all the Anabaptists. The lists 
were drawn up by Pepys and Creed, and Mountagu 
has added such comments as " distracted," " quere his 
affections," " a Quaker," " a fit and honest man." 4 He 
put aside the captain of the Worcester, " one that had 
witnessed a great deal of discontent with the present 
proceedings." 5 On the whole matter he wrote to 
Monck at some length. " Although I have heard of 
unhandsome passages of some commanders in the 
fleete," he said, "yett I thought it most for your 
service to take noe notice thereoff hitherto." He then 
went on to speak of the captain of the Worcester, an 
Anabaptist, who was "busye in stirringe up others 

1 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 706. 2 Pepys's Diary, March 29. 

3 Bodleian Library : Rawlinson MSS. , A. 468. 

4 Carte MSS., 73, f. 402 ; 74, f. 490. The first is dated April 12, and, 
according to Pepys, must have been drawn up in consultation with Lawson. 
In that case the Vice-Admiral was wholly converted, for some of the sailors 
are labelled "Anabaptists," the very sect which Lawson favoured. 

5 Pepys's Diary, April I. This was Captain Dekins. 


and designed in the river very weake and undutifull 
thinges." Mountagu thought the man would be safer 
out of reach, and shipped him off to the Straits with a 
convoy, but advised the Council not to trust too many 
vessels in his hands. Another malcontent was Captain 
Newbury, " his government in his shipp very discon- 
tentinge and wearisome to his men that are not of his 
way." These two commanders had been approved by 
the Council, and Mountagu said " if any thinge be done 
towards them, a motion by any member of the Councell 
may doe it, and take off any unkindnesse from mee 
towards them." l In these changes he was supported 
by Monck, and acted in consultation with the Council 
of State. 2 He ordered Pepys to take the utmost care 
in framing the commissions necessary for his Vice and 
Rear Admirals. 3 He then sent word to Charles "what 
officers he was confident of, and of whom he was not 
assured." 4 By degrees the fleet was converted to the 
Stewart cause, and "very joyfull in the business, in so 
much that our sea-commanders now begin to say so 
too, which a week ago they would not do." 

Mountagu was by then directing the preparations 
from aboard his old flagship the Naseby, a vessel 
for which " he discovered a great deal of love," says 
Pepys. The seamen once more resumed their sports 
games of ninepins and the like. Mountagu also 
played, and that done, he went to his music, and 
struck up a set of Locke's, two trebles and a bass, 
with Pepys and Will Howe. Then "he fell to 
singing of a song, made upon the Rump ": 

" Heaven bless the King, with his two brave Brothers, 
From Rumps and Lords of the House called Others, 
And hang these Rumping Sons of their Mothers, 
Which no body can deny." 

i Carte MSS., 73, f. 399. Sandwich MSS. Letters, vol. i., f. 23. 

3 Pepys's Diary, April 17. 4 Clarendon, Rebellion, book xvi., 227. 


Amid this revival of revelry the old order was for- 
gotten. News of the changed face of England came 
continually to the fleet ; one day the story of Monck 
dining at the Skinners' Hall, where the King's arms 
were set above his chair ; another day the good people 
of Deal " setting up the King's flag upon one of their 
maypoles, and drinking his health upon their knees in 
the streets, and firing the guns, which the soldiers of 
the Castle threatened, but durst not oppose." 1 The 
elections for the new Parliament went merrily on, 
and Mountagu was chosen Member for Weymouth. 2 
He was made a freeman of Dover, and the town would 
gladly have elected him. 3 He was also asked to suc- 
ceed Monck as Member for Cambridge. 4 With the 
invitation came a letter to Mountagu from Anthony 
Ashley Cooper, telling the story of Lambert's last fight 
for the good old cause. 

"There appeared with him six troops of horse in 
Daventree Fields in Northampton-shyre," runs the 
letter, "but when Coll: Ingoldsby came up, the kind 
men, without shewing much couradge, rendered them- 
selves. Thus God has blasted the wicked in their 
reputations and bloodye designes, and I hope will bless 
us with a happy settlement." 6 

While England was gradually reconciled to the 
\ change, the fleet was the scene of open negotiations. 
There were frequent messengers to Mountagu from 
Charles, who was now at Breda. Charles had been 
informed that Mountagu had gone on board with a 
fixed desire to serve him. 

"All that now remains undone to engage the 
Admiral towards the King's service is that the King 

1 Pepys's Diary, April 23 and May 2. 

2 Carte MSS., 73, ff. 378, 382, 384; 74, f. 445 letters relating to the 

3 Ibid., 73, ff. 357, 382, 386, and 223, f. 200. 

4 Ibid., 73, f. 400. 5 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 23. 
VOL. I. 12 


should write a letter to him noticing his intentions 
last summer, and expecting his performance now of 
what he then intended ; it will be well taken, and is 
indeed expected." 1 

It is said that a letter was sent to Mountagu in 
January, in which the King announced his intention 
of making another attempt, and hoped the Admiral 
would do his part. 2 Any correspondence which passed 
between them in the early months of the year would 
naturally be destroyed, and a letter dated in April is 
the earliest available. The King began by an expres- 
sion of pleasure that Mountagu had received his letters 
well. Then he continued : 

" I know too well the use you may be to me in a 
good conjuncture, to expose you unnecessarily, and 
in an unfit season, therefore all I desire of you is, that 
you will give me your word, that you do and will take 
my business to heart ; and then I shall, with all 
freedom, consult with you about the time, and other 
circumstances. ... I do not think it agreeable to the 
confidence I have of you, or the trust I intend to 
repose in you, to say anything of what hath been done 
in former times, in which I know well by what reasons 
and authority you were led, and I do assure you I am 
so far from remembering anything to your disadvantage 
that I look upon you as a person to be rewarded." 3 

Mountagu's word was soon sent. He acknowledged 
the letters of the previous summer, and assured His 
Majesty of his duty and obedience, while he affirmed 
the readiness of the nation to welcome the King. 
"My accepting this commission," he adds, "under 
which I now act, was not without communication with, 
and advice of, faithful servants unto your Majesty, 

1 Clarendon MSS., March 9. See also 70, f. 148. 

2 Bodleian Library : Macraes Calendar of Clarendon MSS. 

3 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 719. For the "reasons and authority," see 
Hyde's character of Mountagu. 


that I might honestly do your Majesty a service in 
this capacity." l 

The King's answer was returned immediately by 
young Edward Mountagu of Boughton. 2 " I know 
well what hazarde you underwent the last summer for 
my sake," said Charles ; " . . . you have given me a 
greate taske to carry myselfe towards you as you 
deserve." 3 He added a hope that he and the Admiral 
would soon be better acquainted, and hinted that he 
would be ashamed if Mountagu were not satisfied with 
his kindness. A reply was then sent, couched in most 
courtier-like terms : 

"The gracious reception your Majesty hath vouch- 
safed to give the humble tender of my Loyaltye unto 
you, proceedes from the same fountaine your first 
grace towards me came, namely your Royall and 
Princelye mind, greate in forgivinge injuries, and ex- 
tending favour freely. . . . My life and fortune shall 
ever be devoted to your service." 4 

These were no empty compliments, since Mountagu 
had by that time assured the loyalty of the navy. 
The restoration of Charles depended on the form of 
a contract which was acceptable to the nation. On 
April 4 Charles issued the Declaration of Breda. The 
terms were simple an amnesty to all who had taken 
up arms against the late King, except such as Parlia- 
ment should exempt ; liberty of conscience ; the settle- 
ment by Parliament of claims on land ; and payment 
of arrears due to the army. 5 On May i, when both 
Houses of Parliament assembled, and Cavaliers and 
Presbyterians were in a decided majority, the King's 
declaration was read, with every sign of joy. The 
Lords voted that the government ought to be, and is, 

1 Clarendon State Papers, iii. 724. 2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, i. 132. 

3 Clarendon MSS., 71, f. 212. 4 Ibid., 71, f. 311. 

5 The original declaration is among the Sandwich MSS. Loose Papers, f. 5. 


in the King and two Houses, and that " the cause of 
all our miseries of late hath been the separation of the 
head from the body." In this vote the Commons con- 
curred. " Your Lordship," wrote Thurloe to Moun- 
tagu, " will understand where the government resides 
now : this is all one day's work." 1 

It was with great satisfaction that Mountagu pre- 
pared to read the declaration to the fleet. As soon as 
he received the news he called Pepys, and decided 
upon the form of the reply. When the council of war 
was summoned, Pepys sat there, busy with his pen. 
" While they were discoursing upon it," he writes, " I 
seemed to draw up a vote, which being offered, they 
passed. Not one man seemed to say no to it, though 
I am confident many in their hearts were against it." 2 
The men were loyal, " not one throughout the whole 
fleet showing the least dislike of the business." Salutes 
were prepared ; Mountagu fired the first gun himself, 
and cried, " God bless His Majesty !" Then the fleet 
was given over to rejoicing ; the yards were dressed 
with flags, and the continual boom of the cannon was 
answered by the guns at Deal and Sandwich. Caps 
were flung in the air, and loud " Vive le roi's" echoed 
from one ship's company to another. The commanders 
and gentlemen on the Naseby finished the day by 
drinking two pipes of good canary, which Mountagu 
had presented to them. 3 

While the ceremony was in progress, a letter arrived 
from Charles, which added to the day's delight. The 
King asked for instructions as to the place of his 
embarkation, and told him of an invitation to embark 

1 Sandwich MSS. Letters, i. 25 ; Commons' Journals, May I. 

2 Pepys's Diary, May 3. 

3 Parliamentary Intelligencer, May 4, E. 183, No. 12. The account there 
is taken almost word for word from the letter to Dolling which Pepys entered 
in his diary. 


from France, but on this he awaited Mountagu's advice. 1 
The Admiral anticipated Parliament's permission to 
write to Charles, and sent the King an account of the 
day's proceedings. He placed his services at the 
King's feet, and rejoiced that, though His Majesty 
received due respect from other states, the restora- 
tion was to be England's business. 2 So far matters 
were going so well that Mountagu's satisfaction was 
naturally boundless. He took Pepys into his cabin, 
and showed him his correspondence with the King 
and Duke. " I found by the letters," writes Pepys, 
"and so my Lord told me too, that there had been 
many letters passed between them for a great while, 
and I perceive unknown to Monck." But Mountagu, 
though his opinion of Monck was indifferent, ad- 
mitted his power, and was willing to let him have all 
the honour. It is Monck that must do the business, 
he hinted to Pepys, "or at least that can hinder it, 
if he be not flattered and observed." 3 Mountagu at 
any rate had done his part, and that not an incon- 
siderable one ; he had assured the loyalty of the fleet, 
a matter requiring tact and discretion, and was gratified 
at the good account he was able to send to the 

For several days after this ceremony preparations 
were made for the King's reception on board the 
Naseby. Her prow was denuded of the Protector's 
effigy; he no longer trampled the nations under his 
feet. The Commonwealth arms were taken down, and 
the royal arms put in their place. The provision of 
flags was a difficulty : royal standards had been laid 
aside for twelve years ; silk was at a premium ; scarlet 

1 Clarendon MSS., 72, i. 91. 

2 Ibid., 72, f. 165. Printed in Lister's Life of Clarendon, iii. 104. 

3 Pepys's Diary, May 3. 


waist-cloths were wanted to go round the rails of the 
ship, and red taffety was not to be had for love or 
money. Lastly, there was no royal barge to bring 
Charles from the shore, so that a barge was glazed, 
decorated, and sent down. To add to the warmth of 
the welcome, John Singleton was ordered to bring 
his band, and a " noise of trumpets " was prepared. 1 
Visitors went to and fro gentlemen of the bedchamber, 
messengers from the Parliament. Even Lawson caught 
the royal fever, and broached bottles of wine to the 
King and Duke. Everyone was impatient for the day 
of restoration, and none more so than Charles himself. 
The extremists in Parliament were inclined to make 
too many conditions, and the King begged Mountagu 
to bring over the fleet lest further delay should occur. 2 
Monck was also uneasy : 

" Sir John Grenville came to me," wrote Mountagu 
in his journal, "with a message from Generall Moncke 
that the King's friends thought his Majesty's present 
repair to London was absolutely necessary, and there- 
fore he wished mee to sail and waft the King over as 
soon as I could. Accordingly I engaged my word to 
Sir Jo: Grenville to do soe, and sent him over in a 
shipp to the other side to assure the King as 
much." 3 

This suggestion from Monck anticipated the for- 
malities which Parliament had outlined. The two 
houses were sending a body of commissioners to 
tender the nation's loyalty, and expected the fleet to 

1 Sandwich MSS. Loose Papers, f. 7 ; Commons' Journals, May 10. 
Singleton soon lost the royal favour. " The King did put a great affront upon 
Singleton's musique, he bidding them stop and bade the French musique play, 
which, my Lord says, do much outdo all ours " (Pepys's Diary, November 20, 

2 Clarendon MSS., 72, f. 349. 

3 Sandwich MSS, Journal, i. 133, May 10, 

1660] AT THE HAGUE 183 

await the deputation. 1 But Monck had determined to 
do the whole business, and could count upon Moun- 
tagu to aid and abet. Monck's verbal message was 
sufficient ; Mountagu made a few desultory inquiries, 
had a hot debate with his Vice-Admiral "whether it 
were safe to go and not stay for the commissioners," 
and then weighed anchor and left the Downs. 2 On 
May 14 the Naseby and her companions were off the 
Dutch coast near Scheveningen. The day following 
the King and his Court moved to the Hague, a few 
miles away from the anchorage. The Commissioners 
of Parliament, Manchester and Crew among them, 
arrived almost at the same time, and the Court took 
on its old appearance. Everyone was richly habited ; 
the old days of penury and rags were at an end. 
Money had been sent, and Charles called his sister 
to look at the gold coins and bills of exchange before 
he would take them out of the portmanteau where 
they lay. He could hardly believe his good fortune. 
He was delighted, and full of tact, with a gracious 
word for everyone. He held many a reception. Moun- 
tagu's eldest son, a boy of about twelve, who had been 
brought by his father to see a memorable pageant, was 
taken ashore by Pepys to visit the King. Charles 
kissed the lad very affectionately, and Hyde, now the 
acknowledged Lord Chancellor, sent for the little boy 
and talked with him. 

For four or five days the most terrible weather 
interrupted the visits and festivities, but on May 22 
the King's two brothers, James, Duke of York, and 
Henry, Duke of Gloucester, came on board the Naseby, 
and were welcomed by the guns of the whole fleet. 
For the first time, James, the recently-created Lord 

1 Commons' journals, order of May 10. 

2 Pepys's Diary, May 10-14. 


High Admiral, stepped on board his finest ship ; she 
had "one of the handsomest frames that ever sailed 
upon the sea," and was a fine mover. Mountagu had 
made his vessel ready for a royal reception. The 
cabins for the King were wainscoted and gilded, the 
beds furnished with the finest linen; the coverlets were 
fringed with gold and silver, and Turkey carpets were 
flung upon the floors. The entertainment was worthy 
of the surroundings. " The admiral's table was better 
served on the sea, than those of many princes are in 
their dominions" so says Lower in his sumptuous 
relation. The plate, he continues, was all of silver, 
of prodigious greatness, laden with great pieces of 
roast beef; other dishes were " massier than the 
greatest washing basons that are ordinarily used," 
and so laden with meat that it seemed the whole fleet 
was to be fed with the remains of that table. 1 Allow- 
ing for some exaggeration, pardonable enough under 
such circumstances, it is evident that Mountagu enter- 
tained the Dukes in a manner worthy of the occasion. 
On that memorable day there assembled on board the 
flagship a little knot of men whose names live in 
naval history; under the awning, upon the quarter- 
deck, sat James and Mountagu, Coventry and Pepys, 
allotting the service of the ships for the summer. At 
the day's feast their future rival, the great Opdam, was 
an honoured guest. The Naseby was crowded with 
spectators, Dutch and English among them Prince 
Maurice of Nassau and Sir George Downing. The 
fleet gave itself up to rejoicing, and the guns boomed 
throughout the livelong day. 

While all was life and bustle in the fleet, similar 
scenes were enacted on shore. During the watches 

1 Sir William Lower, A Relation . . . of the Residence of Charles //., 


of the long summer night, folk from the neighbouring 
towns and villages took up such places as the shore 
afforded, or paced the streets of the little town. When 
Mountagu rose, on what was to be one of the great 
days of his life, he saw upon the land great troops of 
horse and foot, 1 and a crowd which he estimated at one 
hundred thousand. Everyone was astir as early as 
possible, and about nine o'clock the Admiral, in clothes 
" very rich as gold and silver can make them," stepped 
into his barge. By that time the sea was covered with 
every kind of craft, and there was no more elbow-room 
on water than on land. About ten o'clock the crowds 
on shore slowly divided, and a way was made for the 
coaches which carried Charles and his train. Amid 
the blare of trumpets and the rattle of muskets, Charles 
stepped from his coach and entered a small barque, 
which the Dutch had garnished with tapestry, and 
decorated with garlands and crowns of flowers. In 
this vessel the King together with the two Dukes, 
the Queen of Bohemia, the Princess of Orange and 
her son was conveyed to the barge in which the 
Admiral awaited him. 

As Charles stepped eagerly on board, and was 
received by the Admiral, the seamen cheered wildly, 
and threw their caps, and even their waistcoats and 
doublets, into the air. 2 For the first time King and 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, i. 134; Lower, Relation, pp. 105-108; 
Stephen Fox, Memoirs. See also the picture, by an unnamed Dutch artist, 
at Hampton Court. 

2 " While waiting him, his royal fleet did ride, 

And willing winds to their lower'd sails denied ; 
The wavering streamers, flags, and standards out, 
The merry seamen's rude but cheerful shout . 
And last the cannon's voice that shook the skies, 
And as it fares in sudden ecstasies, 
At once bereft us both of ears and eyes." 

DRYDEN : Astrtea Redux, 


subject met. Mountagu saw a tall dark man, five 
years his junior, who kissed the Admiral affectionately 
on both cheeks, and overwhelmed him with compli- 
ments and thanks. The kiss was an act of oblivion. 
In a single moment the Civil War was forgiven, and 
all embarrassment between the two men was at an 
end. At eleven o'clock the barge came alongside the 
Naseby, and the royal standard flew out upon the 
breeze. The vessel which received Charles Stewart 
was rechristened ; after dinner the name of the 
Naseby was altered to the Charles. Then came the 
leave-takings; the Queen, the Princess Royal, and 
the Prince of Orange, went ashore ; anchor was 
weighed; "with a fresh gale and most happy weather," 
says Pepys, "we set sail for England." Charles 
walked actively about the ship, overjoyed at his 
inheritance. He revelled in the contrast of it all. He 
recalled the memories of his escapes ; the four days on 
foot after Worcester, when he was dressed in a green 
coat and a pair of country breeches, and wore shoes 
which made him so footsore he could scarce stir; or 
a few moments later he told the story of his being 
made to drink his own health, that his hosts " might 
know him not to be a Roundhead, which they swore 
he was." And amid great mirth and feasting, and 
reminiscences from one Royalist and another, the two 
days' journey quickly passed. 

On May 25 the company was close to the English 
shore. Charles, whose gaiety increased, would eat 
only ship's diet for his breakfast pease and pork and 
boiled beef. The men were given a present of 500, 
and 50 was handed to " my Lord's " servants. After 
breakfast the King and the two Dukes went ashore in 
Mountagu's barge. At Dover further scenes of joy 
were enacted : a crowd of people, on foot and horse- 

From a portrait by Sir Peter Lely 

To face p. 186 ot Vol. I 


back, welcomed their King ; the Mayor presented a 
very rich Bible, which Charles took, " and said it was 
the thing that he loved above all things in the world." 
He stood for a time under a canopy talking to Monck 
and the others, and then, in a stately coach, set out for 
London. The army continued the pageant which the 
navy had begun. Mountagu felt that his work was 
completed ; he was " almost transported with joy that 
he had done all this without any the least blur or 
obstruction in the world, that could give an offence to 
any, and with the great honour he thought it would be 
to him." 1 

The honour soon came ; within twenty-four hours of 
the King's departure, a letter was brought to Mountagu 
from the Lord Chancellor announcing that the Admiral 
had been created an Earl, and asking for the style 
of the earldom and barony, in order that the patent 
might be prepared. 2 On the day following came a 
further honour; for the King sent Mountagu the 
Garter, the most prized of our distinctions. Pepys 
witnessed the ceremony, which took place upon a 
gorgeous summer Sunday, while the sound of bells 
was borne across the water. On board the Charles 
came Sir Edward Walker, Garter King-at-Arms, and 
brought the insignia, the George, and the Garter. 
These were laid upon a crimson cushion, while the 
letter which announced the creation was read in 
presence of the commanders of the fleet, who stood 
bareheaded. The herald then put the collar about 
Mountagu's neck, and the Garter about his left leg, 
and saluted him with joy as Knight of the Garter. The 
contents of the letter were of the warmest description; 
after reciting the history of the Order, one into which 
Emperors, Kings, Princes, and illustrious persons, 

1 Pepys's Diary, May 25. 2 Carte MSS., 223, f. 210, 


were admitted, the letter congratulated Mountagu on 
the extraordinary merit of his service 

" declaring your affection to us, and your resolution 
to serve us in a circumstance, when it was full of 
hazard and danger to you : and in the end dis- 
posing of the Fleete under your command to that 
entire obedience to us, which it hath so fully mani- 
fested." 1 

1 State Papers: Letter Book, Charles II., No. 26, f. 9. 



" That present and all future times may know, 
How much to Monck and Mountagu they owe, 
By them that great and mighty work was done 
O' th' King's most happy Restauration. 
A happiness so general we may call 
It well, the Restauration of us all." 

RICHARD FLECKNOE : Epigrams, 1673. 

THE share which Mountagu had in bringing about 
the Restoration was considerable, and the work 
which he then did rounds off the second period of 
his life. Though his allegiance had changed from 
one family to another, his principles were fixed. He 
was always for a monarchy; he had been as urgent 
in importuning Cromwell to take the crown as he was 
industrious in bringing back the King. He had every 
interest in the end of legal chaos. He was a prominent 
landowner, and the father of a large family, and he 
wished to ensure some security of tenure for his heirs. 
As to religion his opinions had become modified ; 
between the ages of twenty-five and thirty-five he had 
time for observation, and changed from an enthusiast 
to a sceptic. He began life, under Cromwell's influ- 

1 Authorities : Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. , most of which has been 
already printed in Kennett's Register and Chronicle (London, 1728) ; Carte 
MSS, ; Pepys's Diary. In the Hist. MSS. Comm. see the Eliot Hodgkin MSS., 
the Heathcote MSS., and the Sutherland MSS., at Trentham. Edward Hyde, 
Earl of Clarendon, The Continuation of His Life, etc. (Oxford, 1759). 

For the question of Tangier, see J. S. Corbett, England in the Medi- 
terranean, vol. ii. Other authorities are given in the footnotes. 



ence, as an ardent Independent, but became disgusted 
with sectarian struggles and jealousies. In the revolu- 
tionary years he saw that the " Saints " were much as 
other men were, and that few were inspired by the 
same motives as Cromwell on the one hand, or Vane 
on the other. In ten years Mountagu had time to tire 
of the various sectarian quarrels ; he was sick of 
Socinians and Anabaptists, Fifth Monarchists, Diggers, 
Dippers, and the like; their continual conflict had 
sown doubt in his mind. He abhorred fanaticism, 
and looked upon the best solution of the religious 
difficulty as lying in uniformity and a Common 
Prayer Book. 1 

Mountagu's ideas were those which actuated the 
nation. With the restoration of Charles II., eighteen 
years of unrest and uncertainty were brought to a 
close. The period of constitutional experiment passed, 
and once again England trod the paths of tradition. 
The Restoration abolished military rule, and laid 
the foundations for Parliamentary supremacy. The 
Monarchy was hedged in with safeguards ; the crown 
was replaced, but was made the figurehead of the 
vessel, and it was possible for Parliament to grasp the 
helm of the ship of State. The crudities of revolu- 
tionary law were swept away, and the country adjusted 
civil affairs upon the old legal basis. The services of 
the Church were freely enjoyed ; the lessons of the 
Civil War were remembered by the Bishops. Few of 
them wished sacerdotalism pushed to extremes, and, 
though there was a period of conflict, Churchmen and 
Nonconformists at length forgot their differences in 
fighting against a common enemy. Within a few 
months the face of England was again composed : 
the lengthy thanksgiving sermons, and the screeds 

1 Pepys's Diary > May 15, 1660. 


of verses made upon the Restoration, were the expres- 
sion of a natural outpouring of relief. 

For this relief both Crown and Parliament were 
indebted to George Monck and Edward Mountagu. 
The two men were rewarded as much for national as 
for personal services. Monck was made Duke of Albe- 
marle, and received an ample estate. The rewards 
which Mountagu obtained came thick and fast upon him, 
and went far to justify his boast that he might have 
anything he would ask of the King. 1 He was made a 
Commissioner of the Treasury, Master of the Great 
Wardrobe, and sworn of the Privy Council. His 
earldom carried with it ^"4,000 a year, in addition to 
the honour of the title. At first he chose to take this 
from Portsmouth, and, as a second title, that of 
Viscount Mountagu of Hinchingbrooke. 2 The pre- 
amble to his patent was drawn up by Sir Richard 
Fanshaw, and Mountagu busied himself with making 
sketches for a more elaborate coat of arms. 3 Eventu- 
ally he changed his title, and chose one from the Cinque 
Ports, off which his fleet had lain during the all- 
important month of May. He was created Earl of 
Sandwich, Viscount Hinchingbrooke, and Baron 
Mountagu of St. Neots. On June 19 he received the 
formal thanks of the House of Commons : 

" God hath done you the honour to be the Conveyance 
of the greatest blessing that ever this nation received ; 
you have landed our Sovereign upon the safest shore 
that ever English King set his foot upon, the Hearts of 
his people." 4 

1 Pepys's Diary > October 3, 1660. 2 Ibid., June 29, 1660. 

3 Carte MSS., 223, f. 338. The little water-colour drawings of his supporters 
are interesting mementoes of Mountagu, which ought to be among the family 
papers. They are endorsed "Suggestions for my arms." He draws the 
triton (proper) holding a trident, but uncrowned ; and has also a dragon, or, 
beaked, winged and membered gules, for an alternative sinister supporter. 

4 Commons' Journals, June 19. Pepys says that a motion for a further 
reward to Mountagu was quashed by Arthur Annesley. 


On July 24 he bade farewell to the Commons, and 
two days later took his seat in the House of Lords, 
escorted by the Earls of Northampton and Lichfield, 
and preceded, as befitting his full dignity, by the Lord 
Chamberlain and the Garter King-at-Arms. 1 

The next few months were the most serene that 
Sandwich had in his life. Several years of doubt 
were over, and he looked forward to a more settled 
future : 

41 He was very merry," says Pepys, " and did talk 
very high how he would have a French cook, and a 
master of his horse, and his lady and child to wear 
black patches ; which methought was strange, but he 
is become a perfect courtier." 2 

He spent much of his time with the King, journeying 
here and there to look at some new yacht, or joining 
the cronies at their games of cards. But Sandwich 
did not ignore the old friends, who now sought to use 
his influence. He helped to get his cousin, George 
Mountagu, chosen burgess for Dover. To Pepys he 
said : " You must have a little patience, and we will 
rise together ; in the meantime I will do you all the 
good jobs I can." 3 He was even ready to contest with 
Albemarle for a place for his secretary, and resolved 
to get the place against the world. He exercised his 
influence with Charles on behalf of his brother-in-law, 
Sir Gilbert Pickering. To the end Sir Gilbert had 
held out against the Restoration, and now the time of 
revenge was at hand. So Lady Pickering begged for 
Pepys's assistance with " my Lord," and gave Pepys 
$. That same night Sandwich went to supper with 
the King. 4 The work was done, and in a few weeks' 

1 Lords' Journals, July 26. His patent was dated July 12. See H. B. 
Wheatley : Pepysiana, appendix vi. The patent is there printed in full. 

2 Pepys's Diary, October 20, 1660. 

8 Ibid., June 2. 4 Ibid , June 19. 

i66o] ACTS AS ADMIRAL 193 

time, on the motion of Lord Sandwich, the Peers 
pardoned Sir Gilbert Pickering. 1 Later in this same 
year Sandwich saw how fortune banters us, for he 
was on the bench when some of his old colleagues 
were indicted for their share in the late King's execu- 
tion. The one whom Sandwich best knew, Sir 
Hardress Waller, did not suffer the death penalty; 
those who did were men such as Harrison, with whose 
opinions he had long disagreed, and who had been an 
active opponent of Cromwell. But Sandwich could 
not well refuse to be present in the Court, nor afford 
to have his loyalty doubted. He was not one of 
the mob who saw the regicides hanged, drawn, and 
quartered ; and he was at least spared one great pain, 
for he was away from England when Cromwell's body 
was dragged up and buried again at Tyburn. 2 

The journey which took him away was in pursuance 
of his duties as Admiral of the Narrow Seas, whose 
business it was to escort royal personages to and 
from the continent. Early in September he embarked 
in the Resolution for Holland, in order to bring over 
the Princess Royal, and in the following January he 
conveyed the Queen-mother and Princess Henrietta, 
the King's favourite sister, to France. His ship, the 
London, was run aground by a careless pilot, and there 
was a delay at Portsmouth, where the Princess was' 
taken ill. On January 25 the voyage began, and it 
was at this time that the insults were heaped on 
the Protector's body. 

During this second journey the Earl had a chance of 
showing that the old Cromwell spirit was not dead, 
and that he was not the man to curry favour with the 
courtiers, however high they were in the King's esteem. 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Sutherland MS 'S., Report V., p. 155. 

2 Pepys's Diary ) October 13, 1660 ; January 30, 1661. 

VOL. I. 13 


He was playing cards with the Duke of Buckingham 
and Lord St. Albans, when Buckingham began to 
over-reach him, and " to take up the money that he 
should have lost to my Lord." Sandwich said nothing, 
except " that he doubted not but there were ways 
enough to get his money out of him." But next 
morning he sent to the Duke " to know whether he did 
remember what he said last night, and whether he 
would own it with his sword and a second ; which he 
said he would, and so both sides agreed." 1 It was only 
the intervention of the Queen, and of Lord St. Albans, 
who waylaid them at their lodgings, that prevented a 
duel. " The Duke is much blamed," said one, " and the 
King very angry with him for it;" 2 but Sandwich 
gained in reputation ; he showed the courtiers that the 
old Cromwellian soldier was not to be made a target 
for Buckingham's raillery, and that the man who had 
taken the hard knocks of civil war was ready to have a 
brush with the most finished swordsman of the day. 

After his return from France, Sandwich continued 
for a time about the Court. He was installed as a 
Knight of the Garter on April 15, and a few days later 
took a prominent part in the coronation of Charles II. 3 
Qn the great day, my Lord, in a very rich suit which 
cost him 200, carried the staff of St. Edward. It was 
he who handed the pall of cloth of gold to the Lord 
Chamberlain, and he was one of the four Knights of 
the Garter who, during the ceremony of anointing, 
held the canopy over the King's head. 4 His little 
children came up from Hinchingbrooke ; the pages 
and the footmen were put in new livery, and one page 

1 Pepys's Diary ', February 7, 1661. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Sutherland MS 'S., Report V., p. 159. 

3 Carte MSS., 73, f. 506. The original summons, signed by Sir Richard 

4 Sir Edward Walker, Coronation of Charles II. 

From a portrait by Pierre Mignard 

To face p. 194 of Vol. I 


roused Sandwich's anger he " had let my Lord's new 
beaver be exchanged for an old hat." What with 
entertainments, embroidered horse-cloths, and other 
expenses, the coronation cost him a heavy sum. 

Each succeeding month Sandwich came into greater 
prominence, and a new office was given him that of 
Master of the King's Swans and Bailiff of Whittlesea 
Mere. 1 But his most important work was yet to come. 
He took a large share in the arrangements for the 
King's marriage. Several brides were suggested, and 
there was some speculation as to the choice. The 
usual gossip preceded the announcement, and the 
King laughed over the many wives the world had 
given him. Sandwich, who was of course privy to 
what had been done, took Pepys aside and asked him 
what the world said. 

" 1 answering as one that knew nothing," said 
Pepys, " he enquired no further of me. But I do 
perceive by it that there is something in it that 
is ready to come out that the world knows not of 
yet." 2 ' 

A few weeks later, in May, 1661, Charles announced 
his intended marriage to Catherine of Braganca, sister 
of the King of Portugal. The match had been sug- 
gested before the Restoration. The Portuguese were 
anxious to obtain a valuable ally, for they were 
struggling to maintain a hard -won independence, 
wrested from Spain only a few years before, and were 
in need of English ships and soldiers. The marriage 
treaty put at their disposal the men who had fought 
at Mardyk and Dunkirk, and a fleet of considerable 
strength. In return for our help, the Portuguese 
offered 3,000,000 livres in money and jewels, and the 
cession of Bombay and Tangier. Naturally, the pro- 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 10, 1661. 2 Pepys's Diary, March 9, 1661. 


posed marriage met with the stoutest opposition from 
Spain. Stories about the probable barrenness of 
Catherine were spread broadcast. The Spanish Am- 
bassador also declared that Portugal, in ceding Tangier, 
was not within her legal rights, since he claimed that 
she was still a vassal of Spain. 1 His protests were 
loud, and he was supported by a faction in the 
Council. But when protest was followed by a threat 
of war, the obstinacy of England was aroused, and 
"the King very shortly replyd the King of Spain 
might do what he pleased in that ; he valued it not." 2 

In her opposition Spain was tacitly supported by 
the Dutch, whose colonial interests were threatened 
in the Mediterranean, and who were jealous of the 
cession of Bombay. 3 They were ready to offer money 
in order to stop the match. On the other hand, 
France supported us. In her quarrel with Spain for 
European supremacy, she desired to hamper her enemy 
by covert means. Though she had officially abandoned 
a Portuguese alliance, she was glad to recognize 
England as her substitute, and saw in the match a 
powerful weapon with which to injure the House of 

In England the Council was divided over the ex- 
pediency of the marriage, and support came mainly 
from Albemarle and Sandwich. These two men 
carried over the policy of Cromwell, and the experi- 
ence gained under him, as an asset to the Stewart 
government. The portion of Catherine's dowry most 
acceptable to the old Cromwellian was the cession 
of Tangier. The acquisition appealed especially to 

1 The Copy of a Paper presented to the King's Most Excellent Majesty by the 
Spanish Embassador (Brit. Mus. Pamphlets, 190, g. 13, f. 379). 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm.: Sutherland MS 'S., Report V., p. 159. 

3 Ibid., p. 1 60. 

1661] THE DOWRY 197 

Sandwich, and the King of Portugal spoke of him as 
" one that did most advance the happiness of this 
affair." 1 The work he had done five years previously 
now bore fruit. He had continually urged upon 
England the need for a Mediterranean port, in order 
to cover our West Indian trade ; and he had surveyed 
Gibraltar, Tetuan, and the Barbary coast. When the 
business of Tangier came up, the King questioned 
Sandwich and Lawson about the place, for Lawson, 
who had recently been knighted, was to go into the 
Straits as Vice-Admiral. 

" They both said they knew it well from sea ; but 
that Sir John Lawson had been in it, and said it was 
a place of that importance, that if it were in the 
hands of the Hollanders, they would quickly make a 
Mole, which they might easily do ; that now ships 
could not ride there in such a wind, but if there were 
a Mole, they would ride securely in all Weather ; and 
they would keep the place against all the World, and 
give the law to all the trade of the Mediterranean." 2 

The acquisition of Tangier was wide-reaching in 
its effects ; the advantage proposed from " this entire 
conjunction with Portugal" was the advancement of 
English trade and the enlargement of our territories 
and dominions. 3 As far as Sandwich was concerned, 
there was not only the thought of an extended empire ; 
there was an immediate use for the place, as a protec- 
tion for our trade against the attacks of piracy. The 
Turkish flag covered numberless dhows which were 
the refuge of broken-down rascals, the scum of every 
town in Europe, who fought side by side with the 
fanatics of the Koran. They pounced upon our vessels 

1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 588 : the King of Portugal to the Governor of 
Tangier (Dom Luis d' Almeida). 

2 Clarendon, Life, ii. 151. 

8 Hist. MSS. Comm: Heathcote MSS., p. 18 : Charles II. to Sir Richard 


going to and fro between England and the Levant, 
and captured our cargoes of pilchards and salt, cur- 
rants and fruit, oil and lemons. The dark dungeons 
of Africa held many a worthy merchant, and the 
homes of the infidel contained his merchandise. 1 
Even the Spaniard, troubled as he was by our arrival 
in North Africa, made common cause over such pests, 
and entreated Sandwich to obtain the release of some 
Spanish prisoners taken by the Bey of Algiers. 2 

When the arrangements for the match were made, 
Sandwich was gratified by the news that he was 
appointed Ambassador Extraordinary to escort the 
Queen to England. In addition he had to prepare the 
way for the occupation of Tangier. But before either 
could be done he was instructed to obtain a promise 
of peace or alliance from the Algerian pirates ; and if 
they failed to give an undertaking not to search our 
ships, or delayed to guarantee the security of our 
commerce, he was bidden to declare war upon them, 
and if necessary to bombard Algiers. 3 

This was the type of work most dear to his heart, 
and within a few weeks he started upon his mission. 
Before going, he placed the affairs of the Wardrobe in 
the hands of the faithful Pepys, and joyed Pepys's heart 
by his confidences. On June 10 he was chosen Master 
of Trinity House, and dined with the Brethren. 4 

1 Carte MSS., 73, ff. 606, 607. A list of merchants captive in Algiers 
was sent to Sandwich, and he was petitioned to obtain their release. There 
is also a list of ten ships and their cargoes taken in the autumn of 1661. 

2 Carte MSS., 73, f. 545 : the Governor of Malaga to Lord Sandwich, 
July 16, 1661. 

3 Ibid., 74, f. 338. The paper has draft instructions for Sandwich, with 
emendations in his own hand. The instructions relate to Algiers only. 
Those which concerned the marriage treaty were sent later. See also Carte 
MSS. , 74, f. 449 ; and vol. 274, f. 2, has the original commission issued 
to Sandwich by James, dated May 10, 1661, "for a foreign expedition." 
Vol. 73, f. 512, has a list of officers on board the Algiers fleet, May 7, 1661. 

4 Pepys's Diary, etc. 


Three days later he boarded his yacht at Deptford, 
and made for the Downs, where he hoisted his flag 
in the Royal James. The journey to Spain was un- 
eventful. On July 4 Sandwich anchored in Malaga 
Road, and entertained the Governor of the place. 
After sending a letter from Charles to the King of 
Spain, and one from himself, asking for " friendly 
offices to the English," he again weighed anchor, 
and made for Algiers. 1 But a delay occurred, for he 
was seized with a " high fever," and put ashore at 
Alicante in order to recover his health. The report 
caused much consternation among his friends, and 
especially to Pepys. " If he should miscarry," says the 
diarist, " God knows in what condition would his 
family be !" The serious news was kept from Lady 
Sandwich, who was within a few days of her confine- 
ment, and she heard nothing of it until her husband's 
recovery, though it was the town talk for a week or 
more. The illness gave to the King and Clarendon 
an opportunity of showing their regard. Crew wrote 
and assured Sandwich that the Chancellor had ex- 
pressed sincere anxiety for him, and could be reckoned 
henceforth "a great and real friend." 2 But three 
weeks before the news of his recovery reached 
London, Sandwich had left for Africa. In his journal 
he makes light of the illness, and it looks as though 
he were able to spend some of the time ashore in 
increasing his knowledge of the Mediterranean coast, 
for one report says that he was engaged on viewing 
the fortifications of Alicante. 3 On July 29 the fleet 
came to anchor off Algiers. 4 

1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 550. 

2 Ibid., 73, f. 579; 223, f. 232. 

3 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Dartmouth MSS., vol. i., p. 7. 

4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 147. 


On his arrival there, Lord Sandwich lost no time in 
stating his mission, and sent ashore his proposals for 
peace. But the Algerians would have no truck, 
without liberty to search our ships. They claimed 
that the last Admiral of England who had been in 
their waters had agreed to the search ; and they 
affirmed that Cromwell's death had made all their 
agreements null and void. They knew no law but 
the Koran, and looked upon Sandwich's fleet as a 
slight to the ever -victorious Turkish Empire, and 
therefore bade him be gone. They refused to restore 
our ships, our goods, or our slaves, and they em- 
phasized their refusal by preparing a boom across the 
harbour, and putting themselves in a posture of 
defence. When Sandwich saw this, he summoned a 
council of war, and resolved, as soon as the weather 
was favourable, to attack their shipping. For a few 
hours a dense fog delayed the attempt; then both 
wind and tide were unfavourable to the entry of the 
fire-ships, even if the boom was broken, "nor," says 
Sandwich, "could the leewardly squadron berth 
themselves." 1 The enemy, however, soon took the 
offensive. On the last day of July, about noon, they 
opened fire from the forts and castles of the town. 
Sandwich thereupon ordered his squadron to "veer 
in a cable or two nearer them, and fire our broad- 
sides." But the waste of powder was to little purpose : 
as some of the English vessels were slightly damaged, 
and a few men were killed, Sandwich thought it best to 
" warp off out of shot." He had, however, scared the 
Algerians. Erom a townsman who swam out to him 
next day, he learned that the English had done con- 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal* vol. i., f. 149. Sandwich has drawn a rough 
sketch of the plan of attack, and the manner in which his ships were disposed 
(see also Carte MSS., 73, f. 571 : Sandwich to Winchelsea). 


siderable damage to the town, and had killed a number 
of the Turks. 1 

An opportunity such as he awaited in order to 
renew the attack never came. A whole week of 
heavy gales, tropical rain, and great seas, hindered 
the attempt. Sandwich summoned the council of 
war; it was then resolved that the risk was too 
great, since the wind and weather had worsted us, 
and given the enemy time to strengthen their boom 
and mount more guns upon their defences. " It was 
no wissdome for us to waite any longer under that 
resolution," wrote Sandwich to Pepys, " and soe we 
applied ourselves to damnifye them at sea." 2 For 
that reason he wrote home for six of the best sailing 
frigates that could be spared. 3 

His plan was effective, and the presence of the 
English kept the pirates in check. Leaving Lawson 
to watch the Straits, Sandwich then set sail for 
Lisbon, in the hope of obtaining the reinforcements 
which he expected. On his journey he fell in with 
his old antagonist, De Ruyter. The Dutch , Admiral 
was cruising off the African coast, nominally to protect 
Dutch shipping, in reality to watch Sandwich. The 
slightest excuse, and the Dutch and English would 
have been at each other's throats. An English attack 
upon the Spanish plate fleet would have led to instant 
reprisals, and there was fear in Lisbon that the Dutch 
would lie off the Tagus, and hinder the entrance of 
the Brazil fleet, which would have brought about a 
breach between Portugal and Holland. 4 But no 
excuse was found for hostility ; the two Admirals 

1 Carte MSS., 223, f. 248 ; a pamphlet entitled A True Relation . . . of 
the Great and Bloudy Fight, etc. (London : printed for G. Horton, 1661.) 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Eliot Hodgkin MSS., p. 152. 

3 Carte MSS., 73, f. 575 : Sandwich to York. 

4 Ibid., 73, f- 631. 


anchored side by side in Fuengirola Bay, and exchanged 
courtesies. 1 Then they parted. On August 25 Sand- 
wich was at Tetuan, and endeavoured to make a 
treaty with the Governor of the place. The negotia- 
tions broke down over the question of goods, for 
Sandwich refused to guarantee immunity to any 
Tetuan goods found on board an Algerian pirate's 
man-of-war. 2 On September 6 he was once more 
in the Bay of Oeiras, and remained for some time 
off Lisbon. He was not inactive. "To avoide idle- 
nesse," he wrote, " I goe to sea againe to-morrow, 
and see if wee cann light on any Turkes." 3 His 
presence in those waters ensured the safety of the 
Brazil fleet, for it was thought that De Ruyter would 
endeavour to capture it, but Sandwich had the satis- 
faction of seeing the fifty ships, with their millions, 
come safely to an anchor. 4 

The visit which Sandwich paid to Lisbon was 
purely informal, but he was received by the King of 
Portugal, the Queen-mother, and Catherine; he has 
however, left no record of the impression made upon 
him by the future Queen. He was probably pre- 
possessed in her favour, for the picture of her which 
he had seen, and the report of those who knew her, 
made her out "a lovely little woman." 5 Besides his 
presentation to Catherine, he had other business in 
Lisbon. On September 20 he welcomed the English 
Envoy Extraordinary, Sir Richard Fanshaw, who was 
sent by Charles to help Sandwich in the prepara- 
tions, and to relieve him when at sea. 6 Before he left 

1 Brandt, Vie de PAmiral de Ruyter, p. 161. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal > vol. i., p. 154. 

3 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Eliot Hodgkin MSS., p. 161. 

4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., p. 158. 

5 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Sutherland MSS., Report V., p. 160. 

6 Ibid. : Heathcote MSS., p. 21. 


the place the Earl witnessed a bullfight, and the 
account of the scene is given in his own words : 

" This day I went to Lisbone to see the Huego de 
Toro which was in a square place before the King's 
palace, built on the two other sides with Scaffolds 
three storyes high hunge with Tapestry and carpetts 
rich accordinge to the qualitye 01 the noblemen and 
others to whom they belonged ; a place railed in, in 
the middle to shelter foote men ; and a tree Scaffolded 
for Trumpetts. The beginninge was a water cart, the 
men and horses and cart all trapped and covered with 
greene tissue came in to water the place and lay the 
Dust. Then divers persons clad Antiquely some with 
Gittarres, others with drumms and fiddles, dancinge, 
and tumblinge in severall setts and companyes. Then 
there was an officer of the Citty mounted on a very 
good horse and rich saddle, waited under the King's 
window for his commands. He was attended by 
severall, ten or more, with Pied coates and about six 
yellow coates and six greene coates with sharpe forkes. 
The pied coates, as soone as by the King's command 
a Bull was lett out, smote him with darts and playd 
at him to make him runn at them and then escaped 
him by throwinge off theire cloakes on his homes. 
The men with forkes likewise provoked him and 
when he rann at them, then they exposed theire forkes 
to him all at once and stopt his carreere. The yellow 
coates when the bull was to be killed went and seased 
on him, one first throwinge himselfe betweene his 
homes and then the rest fallinge in and cuttinge his 
hamstringes; and then killed him presently; where- 
upon there came in six horses all clothed and trapped 
with Greene Tissue, and coach men and postillions 
also, and soe seased a rope to the Bulls homes and 
Galloped away with him out of the Quadrangle. 

"After 3 or 4 bulls were tired and killed by the 
foot men then was another lett out and the Conde de 
Sargedas came in upon a fine well managed horse, 
very richly equipped, havinge 74 Lacquees come in 
before his horse, half in red liverees with silver lace, 
and half in Greene with silver lace. He marched up 
streight to the King's window and there went up 
towards it and backt his horse asterne three tymes to 
the King of Portugall ; and the like to the Queene of 


England ; then turned to seeke out the Bull on a grave 
pace ; and when he rann at him he neglectly tooke a 
lance out of his footman's hand and strooke him 
betweene the homes upon the nape of his necke, and 
broke his lance, and in like manner encountered every 
bull that came out, he goinge out three or four tymes 
to mount fresh horses very richly equipped. They 
killed in all 13 Bulls that afternoone after one of the 
clocke. When all was Killed that ought to be, then 
the Conde went up againe and made his respect to 
the Kinge and Queene as before and went away. 
Then the Antiques danced againe and soe at sunsett 
the Company departed." 1 

This was one of the few festivities in which Sand- 
wich then took part, for there was much to be done 
in the way of work. The occupation of Tangier was 
attended with many difficulties, and he proposed to 
hasten thither. To begin with, the cession was not 
to the liking of the Portuguese ; had they been able 
to hold it, Tangier might never have formed a part 
of Catherine's dowry. 

" The surrender of the place," wrote Fanshaw, " is 
as much overvalued in caballs here, as undervalued 
in England, and it must be only the improvement and 
enlargement thereof by changing masters that can 
justify the one and confute the other." 2 

Sandwich knew that jealous eyes watched his every 
move. The Spanish and Dutch were in concert 
against him, and the continued presence of De Ruyter, 
now in the Mediterranean, now in the Straits, was a 
real danger. He determined, therefore, to get back 
to Tangier and rejoin Lawson. On October 3 he 
sailed from Lisbon, taking with him the necessary 
vessels for disembarking the Portuguese troops. 3 He 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., ff. 159, 160. 2 Carte MSS., 73, f. 592. 

3 His vessels were the Royal James, Mary, Mountagu, Hampshire, 
Princesse, Colchester, Forester ; a ketch, four Portuguese carvels, "and one 
other desembarcador for Tangier" (MS. Journal, i. 160). 

i66i] BACK TO TANGIER 205 

had resolved not to leave the place until it was 
safely delivered into his hands; so doubtful was he 
of the position of affairs that he expected to find a 
fleet of Spanish and Dutch men-of-war awaiting him, 
"and prepared for all events accordingly." 1 

When, after a week's sailing, he came to anchor in 
the bay, all was quiet, and hardly a vessel was in sight. 
There were great rejoicings at his coming ; guns were 
fired from all the forts ; for three nights the town was 
illuminated ; and the fleet returned the salutes and 
hung out all their lights. But the festivities soon 
gave place to business ; Lawson, who had rejoined him, 
was dispatched with a small squadron to watch the 
Straits, and Sandwich remained in the bay, awaiting 
a hunt for pirates. On October 24 a fleet of Dutch 
merchantmen was sighted, with four Turkish corsairs 
in full chase. The Admiral, with three of his vessels, 
went to the rescue, weighed, and stood after them. 
The weather was calm, and the Turks soon unshipped 
their great oars and pulled away from the English. 
Once outside the bay, terms were more level ; but the 
start gained by the Turks was too great, and Sandwich 
reluctantly returned to Tangier. Such interludes were 
frequent : one day a vessel laden with Italian silks was 
rescued from the Arabs ; another day came news that 
Lawson had driven a dhow ashore near Malaga, and 
captured her, and her crew of 150. Vessels daily put 
in for a convoy, and throughout the winter, life in the 
Straits was eventful and varied. 

Meanwhile Sandwich prepared for the possession of 
Tangier. After the welcome was over, he was anxious 
to see the backs of the Portuguese. There was, indeed, 
some danger that the town might be lost before the 
English could obtain possession. The whole country 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm.: Eliot Hodgkin MSS., p. 161. 


round was terrorized by Ghailan, a Moorish chieftain, 
whose fastness was within a few miles of the city. 
His own opposition to English possession was strength- 
ened by Spanish gold and Spanish intrigue ; Christian 
and Moslem combined to make the transfer of Tangier 
as uncomfortable as might be. Timid Moors burned 
fires and made signs to Sandwich indicating a willing- 
ness for peace and commerce, but when boats were 
sent out to them from the fleet, it appeared that no 
bargain could be concluded without a licence from the 
great Ghailan. 1 The position was unsatisfactory. At 
length came word that an English fleet, and with it the 
new Governor, was ready to sail for Tangier. The 
news quickened Sandwich in his determination to keep 
a grasp on the place. He sent messages to Ghailan 
which calmed him for the time, and Sandwich received 
from the chieftain a present of oxen and sheep. 

Yet no sooner had he wheedled Ghailan into a 
tolerant humour, than the cession was nearly wrecked 
by the ill-judged action of the Portuguese. Their 
horse, about 140 in number, sallied out into the country 
in search of plunder. They seized a great store of 
cattle, horses, and camels, and captured about forty 
Moorish women and girls. When within six miles of 
Tangier they were intercepted by the Moors, their 
leader was slain in the first charge, and the Portuguese 
abandoned their booty and dashed for the city, with 
the Moors in full pursuit. Men were killed, and 
horses captured, up to the very gates. 2 

This was a severe blow to European prestige. 3 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., p. 167. A letter from Ghailan to Sand- 
wich is in the Carte MSS., 73, f. 633. See also 75, f. 48. 

* Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 177 (January 12, 1662). 

* E. de Faria y Sousa (History of Portugal, 1698) suggests that the Governor 
of Tangier had purposely sent out the inhabitants " upon pretence to repel 
the Moors," so that he might be allowed to deliver up the place without 
opposition (p. 503 of Stevens's translation). 


Only the presence of the English fleet saved Tangier. 
The Governor begged the Admiral for his assistance. 
Sandwich was not the one to lose such an opportunity, 
and straightway sent off eighty men to help man the 
fortifications. A few days later, when the Martin 
frigate brought reinforcements, the Admiral sent his 
old comrade, Sir Richard Stayner, with 1 20 men into the 
town. By January 23 he could write in his journal : 
" I have between three and four hundred men in the 
Towne and Castles ; and the command of all the 
Strengths and magazines." In the bay were eight of 
our men-of-war ; at Cadiz, at Toulon, and at Zante, 
were frigates ; Lawson had a squadron in the Straits. 
The ways to Tangier were in English hands, and 
our sailors were already in possession. When, on 
January 29, the new Governor, Lord Peterborough, 
arrived, the place was ours. The actual cession, the 
formal delivery of the keys, the presents of some 
silver spurs, a lance, and a horse with full trappings, 
were mere formalities. The regiments tramped gaily 
into the town, and the sailors returned to their ships; 
but it was owing to Sandwich and his prompt action 
that the soldiers could march in without striking a 

In Spain there was natural disappointment, and the 
same in Holland : 

" The Hogen Mogen's hearts did fry and burn, 
To be so nigh, and miss so good a turn." 

For we had gained a place on which our rivals had 
cast envious eyes. After seven years Sandwich saw 
the Cromwellian policy of an African roadstead carried 
out. The part he played in its acquisition was com- 
memorated by a gate, known as Sandwich Port. For 
three or four weeks he was continually ashore, con- 


suiting with Peterborough, watching the departure of 
the Portuguese and the disembarking of English men 
and horses. He tossed about in a small boat while he 
took soundings, and drew plans for the great mole 
which was to round off the harbour. " You will 
receive a little longe box," he wrote to Pepys, 
"which is a mappe of Tangier which you must 
be sure noebody opens nor sees, but with your owne 
hand deliver it to his Royal Highnesse." 1 He bought 
some property in the town, some of it ruinous, but 
he arranged for his houses and gardens to be put 
in good order and let to suitable tenants. 2 He 
became during the rest of his life the unofficial 
guardian of the place. His interests made him so, and 
his correspondence testifies to the esteem in which he 
was held. He quitted Tangier with pride, and had 
he lived long enough it is certain that he would have 
opposed the abandonment of a place which he held 
to be so necessary to England. 

Sandwich had now fulfilled what he considered the 
most difficult part of his mission ; he left the town in 
Peterborough's hands, and prepared to sail. For a 
time the weather was unfavourable ; at length, on 
February 18, he weighed anchor and made for Lisbon. 
He had a rough journey ; on one occasion, after dining 
with Sir John Mennes, he had to spend three hours in 
an open boat before he could regain his ship. When, 
at the end of the month, he was once more off 
Lisbon, he had increased his knowledge of the Medi- 
terranean. He felt himself a power ; the Portuguese 
Ambassador announced that Sandwich was to sweep 
the seas of her enemies, and the news of the arrival of 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Eliot Hodgkin MSS. , p. 157. (The letter should 
be dated 1662.) 

2 Carte MSS., 75, ff. IO2, 103, 1 12, 138. 


his fleet caused the Spaniards to fall back from a pro- 
jected invasion. 1 

On March i the fleet came to an anchor in the 
Tagus, opposite the monastery of Belem. There 
Sandwich received his commission and instructions 
concerning the marriage, and celebrated the ratification 
of the treaty with a salute of forty-one guns. Various 
visits were paid to him by the grandees, and all was 
done with that elaborate formality associated with the 
Portuguese Court, while Sandwich in return worthily 
upheld the honour of his country. 2 On March 13 he 
made his public entry into Lisbon. He and his whole 
retinue landed at Belem, and proceeded thence to the 
city. A lengthy procession was formed, headed 
by numerous horsemen ; then came some thirty 
coaches, in which rode the great nobles. Sandwich 
rode in state, last of all. He was preceded by six 
trumpeters, and his coach was drawn by six horses, 
and surrounded by pages and gentlemen-at-arms. 3 
On his arrival in the city he was lodged at the house 
of a great noble. The next day he was presented to 
Catherine, and handed her one of those charming 
letters with which Charles enlivened his courtship ; 
the King expressed his longing for the Queen's arrival, 
and pressed her speedy embarkation. And Sandwich, 
in reporting the delivery of the letter, wrote that he 
would soon " convey unto his Majesty's embraces the 
most lovely and agreeable person of the Queen, beyond 

1 Clarendon, Life; Santarem, Quadro Ekmentar das Relacoes, vol. xvii., 
p. 209. 

2 See Fremont d'Ablancourt, Mdmoires^ p. 96. Miss Strickland (Queens of 
England, vol. v. ) gives a detailed account of Sandwich's reception, which was 
elaborately planned. Her chief authority is Santarem, vol. xvii., pp. 236, 
256, etc.). 

3 Dirk Stoep's engravings of the ceremonies. A complete set is in the 
British Museum. 

VOL. I. 14 


whose excellencies no human eloquence can make your 
Majesty's expectation to exceed." 1 

It was, however, some weeks before Catherine could 
leave Lisbon. During the winter Sandwich had heard 
that she was impatient, and willing to embark. " She 
is of so masculine a spirit," said the writer, " that a 
winter voyage will not detain her," 2 but Catherine 
had to wait in patience, and to content herself with 
preparations for her new life ; " practesienge to go 
currantly in English shooes with hyghe heeles." Even 
an accident she thus sustained did not damp her 
ardour : " nothing," said a courtier, " could damage 
her desire to be in England." 3 

But an unfortunate delay occurred ; the payment of 
Catherine's dowry, which amounted, in money, to 
300,000, proved a large sum for Portugal to find at 
such a time. The treasury was drained by the cost of 
six years' continual warfare; her Brazil fleet was in 
frequent danger from her enemies ; trade in general 
was bad. When Sandwich saw the schedule of the 
Queen's dowry he suffered a rude shock. He had 
understood that the portion was to be paid in " money, 
jewels, sugars, or other merchandise," and now the 
schedule provided for at least half the dowry in 
bills of exchange, which were mere promissory notes 
upon future cargoes. Sandwich was in despair; he 
visited Catherine, who begged him to meet her upon 
the matter, since she " had overcome almost impossi- 
bilities to hasten her voyage." 4 The Ambassador 
replied that no person should be more careful to master 
all kinds of difficulties in this service than himself; 
and on the following day he gave the Queen a paper 

1 Clarendon State Papers, vol. iii., appendix, p. 20. 

2 Carte MSS., 73, f. 598. 3 Ibid., 73, f. 608. 
4 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vol. i., p. 191. 


1662] THE QUEEN'S DOWRY 211 

concerning his instructions, "to avoid uncertainties 
of interpretation." But the business proceeded slowly ; 
at the rate the goods were put on board, delay was 
likely to be long. Sandwich begged that at least the 
first instalment should be all in merchandise, but was 
told that " it was unreasonable, and impossible for all 
Portugal to doe it." 1 He had much trouble over the 
affair, and it was not until Catherine had made many 
appeals that he allowed his sense of chivalry to in- 
fluence him ; and having a good portion of the money, 
he resolved to depart. "Things have been despatched 
here with greater haste than this people (I believe) 
have been known to make," he wrote to Charles, 
"though not so fast as I have desired and urged 
them unto." 2 Sandwich compromised; he yielded to 
Catherine's persuasions, and on April 12 prepared to 

The next day Queen Catherine took leave of the 
people of Portugal. The windows in Lisbon were gay 
with rich carpets and hangings, and the streets were 
lined with soldiers. About ten in the morning Sand- 
wich went ashore, and was conveyed to the palace in 
the King's coach, escorted by the Master of Ceremonies. 
At the palace he was received by the King, the 
Infante, and the two Queens. After Catherine had 
taken leave of her relatives "with that decency and 
constancy that was admirable to see," a procession was 
formed. The Queen of England drove alone in her 
coach ; then came an empty coach of respect, and then 
my Lord of Sandwich in his coach, followed by 
numerous Portuguese nobles, ranged according to 
their dignity. At the cathedral all alighted ; the King 
led Catherine by the hand ; Sandwich, with the Infante, 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vol. i., p. 192. 

2 Clarendon State Papers, vol. iii., appendix, p. 20. 


Dom Pedro, walked as far as the choir; and Mass was 
celebrated with all the gorgeous pomp and ritual of the 
Roman Church. But since Sandwich was an heretic, 
he was conducted by three of the great nobles to a 
retiring-room specially prepared for his repose. 
When Mass was over, he again resumed his place of 
honour, and the procession was re-formed. 

After a brief interval the coaches drove slowly 
round the city. The pageant passed through the great 
square, which was decorated with triumphal arches, 
festooned with flowers, and a magnificent trophy was 
erected to St. George. 1 Soldiers fired salutes, and 
through a dense crowd which gazed from window 
and balcony the procession proceeded to the water- 
side. At this point a special stage had been built for 
the Queen's embarkation. It jutted out towards the 
sea, and was roofed in and " all hanged richly and 
floored with carpetts." There Catherine stepped into 
the royal barge, and was escorted by her brother 
to the Charles, amid the salutes of the whole fleet. 
Sandwich had done everything to improve the appear- 
ance of the ship, and Catherine w r as well lodged. 
The woodwork of the vessel had been newly gilt, 
her bulwarks were hung with scarlet cloths, and the 
windows of the Queen's cabin with taffety and damask. 
New and costly carpets were spread upon the floors ; 
the bed was of " crimson velvit lined with gold 
collered sadtaine ; the fring all gold : the two cabins 
hunge with the same of the bed, crimson velvet, 
with a little gold fring about the tope and dores." 2 
Such were the decorations which greeted the eyes 

1 See Dirk Stoep's engravings, and D. Antonio Caetano de Sousa, Historia 
Genealogica da Casa Real Portugueza, book vii., p. 295 ; Sandwich MSS. 

Journal, vol. i., f. 198 ; and Quadro Ekmentar, vol. xvii., p. 236. 

2 Carte MSS., 74, f. 366 : Lady Sandwich to Lord Sandwich, Novem- 
ber 13, 1661. 


of the Queen when she went on board her ship, 
and she had time to take stock of her surroundings 
before the voyage began. For several hours the 
vessels remained in the river ; " when the eveninge 
came," says Sandwich, "the shipps shewed out lights 
at every porthole and in their topps and yards, and 
fired rocketts and squibbs very handsome to see in 
the night-tyme." At midnight on April 14 the King 
came in a barge " with his musique, very good voices, 
and lay at the sterne of our shipp, and gave the 
Queen musique." 

On the following morning the fleet set sail. The 
new experience for Catherine was disastrous ; little 
wonder, since she " scarse ever was out of the Pallace 
door before." " As soon as we were out at sea," says 
Sandwich, " the Queene and all the ladies were sea- 
sicke." Throughout the first part of the journey the 
winds were unfavourable, but later Catherine re- 
covered, though she never appeared on deck. " She 
lives after the manner of Portugal," said a fellow- 
traveller, " and the Marquis of Sande rules all." 1 
Creed told Pepys 

" how recluse the Queen hath ever been, and all the 
voyage never come upon the deck, nor put her head 
out of her cabin ; but did love my Lord's musique and 
would send for it down to the state room, and she sit 
in her cabin within hearing of it." 2 

As they neared England a frigate was dispatched with 
various letters for the King, the Duke, and Clarendon. 
On May 4 the fleet was in sight of the Scilly Isles, and 
two days later anchored south of St. Michael's 
Mount. The weather became more favourable and 

1 Carte MSS., 31, f. 488: Sir Henry Wood to Ormond, at sea, May 4. 
The Queen's train consisted of 250 persons, including two Countesses an 
forty-eight other women. 

2 Pepys's Diary, May 24. 


the water smooth. On May 11, off Tor Bay, the Duke 
of York came aboard the Charles, and for the rest of 
the journey his yacht joined the fleet and he visited 
the Queen daily. 

Sandwich had by that time fulfilled his mission. 
He saw the Queen's reception at Portsmouth, walked 
among the nobles who escorted her coach, and wit- 
nessed part of the marriage ceremonies. Then, on 
May 23, he came up to the Wardrobe and joined his 
family. He looked merry and well, said the devoted 
Pepys, " and my soul is glad to see him." He was in 
the highest spirits, and in his most optimistic mood. 
His future, he felt, was now assured. At dinner he 
regaled the guests with stories of his voyage, and told 
them his impressions of the Queen, " a very agreeable 
lady." Good news, too, had come from Algiers, for 
Lawson had concluded the work the Admiral had left 
him, and had made peace with the Algerines on 
favourable terms. So the day ended merrily for Sand- 
wich. He talked over the profits of his embassy. He 
had received a bag of gold containing 1,000 moidores 
from the King of Portugal, 1 and the Queen gave him 
another, worth 1,400, which Pepys looked upon as 
" no honourable present." And when the accounts 
were cast up, about 10,000 remained over, which was 
granted to Sandwich for his expenses and as a 
reward ; 2 but the Ambassador had already paid out 
considerable sums for his entertainment, and his 
profits were in reality smaller than they appeared. 
He had every reason to feel gratified with the result of 
his mission, and, while things went well with Charles 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 198. 

2 Cal. S. P., Dom., December 15 and 31, 1662. The accounts are in 
Carte MSS., 73, f. 645. Out of ,38,076 expended (i.e., 217,785 crusadoes), 
13,572 was assigned for Tangier ; 2,000 for the Queen's voyage ; 12,255 
for the fleet ; 10,248 for the charges of the embassy (March, 1662). 


and Catherine, he was looked upon as one of the chief 
authors of the nation's joy : 

" Heaven's was the work, yet in these Royal Scenes 
The Supream Agent's pleas'd to work by meanes, 
Angels have joyn'd their hearts, and now their hands 
By men must be conjoynd in Wedlock bands. 
The management of which affair was due 
To none alive (Lord Mountagu) but you." 1 

From the time of the marriage Sandwich became 
aware that his success had aroused certain jealousies. 
The two years of real serenity had passed, and now he 
realized that it required more than service to retain a 
position at Court. He had none of that light wit 
which was a sure passport to the King's favour, and 
the prominent part he had taken in an ill-assorted 
match endeared him neither to Charles nor to 
Catherine. Soon after his return to England he 
showed signs of anxiety. He talked to Pepys for two 
hours over his " state and interest," for he found it 
no easy matter to steer clear of differences at 
Court. But the chief care Sandwich had was as to 
his position in the navy. Throughout his whole career 
he had to contend with a certain amount of jealousy 
from the Duke of York, who was inclined to " have him 
out " of his commission as Admiral. Sandwich realized 
that for the work he did others obtained the glory. 
In the articles of peace for Algiers, he found his own 
name omitted, and replaced by those of Lawson and 
the Duke. 2 Since the original instructions were given 
to Sandwich, and he had planned the attacks and 
borne the burden and heat of the day, he was angered 

1 Iter Lusitanicum, by S. H. (London, 1662). 

2 The articles of peace were published in Mercurius Publicus, June 26, 
1662, when only Lawson's name appeared. In a reprint and confirmation of 
the articles, dated 1664, the name of the Duke of York was added to 
Lawson's (Somers Tracts, vii. 555). 


that James, the stay-at-home, should have the credit ; 
though as long as the Duke's name was omitted as well 
as his own he had no objection to Lawson's standing. 

" Here," says Pepys, " I find my Lord very politique, 
for he tells me that he discerns they design to set up 
Lawson as much as they can : and that he do counter 
plot them by setting him up higher still ; by which 
they will find themselves spoiled of their design, and 
at last grow jealous of Lawson." 1 

Sandwich talked of this plan with much pleasure, 
smiling and enjoying his unwonted subtlety. But he 
was lost in a maze of intrigue, and thought that if 
William Coventry, the Duke's adviser, were once out 
of the way, he might be able to steer a clearer course, 
and even have the Duke's friendship. For James had 
from time to time expressed his appreciation of Sand- 
wich, and it was not until later that jealousy really 
ripened. The two men were agreed over the question 
of commands, for which they thought the old captains 
who had been trained under the Commonwealth were 
the fittest choice. The navy was still full of these old 
servants of the Parliament, but there was a tendency 
to replace them by the " King's new captains," and 
appointments needed care. Over this Sandwich was 
really discreet, for he told James that compromise was 
the best, and that the King's new captains ought to be 
borne with a little and encouraged. 

" By which," said Pepys, " he will oblige that party, 
and prevent, as much as may be, their envy ; but he 
says that certainly things will go to rack if ever the 
old captains should be wholly out, and the new ones 
only command." 2 

Sandwich, despite the dangers of intrigue, still 
retained his position as Admiral of the Narrow Seas. 

1 Pepys's Diary, June 27, 1662. 2 Ibid. 


In the summer of 1662 he crossed to France in order 
to bring over the Queen-mother, a service he had per- 
formed before. He appears to have been a favourite 
both of the Queen and of her daughter, the Princess 
Henrietta, for they begged him to visit Paris on his 
return from Portugal. 1 Both continually expressed 
their esteem of the Earl, and Madame announced her 
marriage to Sandwich through his cousin, Abbot 
Walter Mountagu, with the wish that Sandwich 
should have an extraordinary share in her joys by 
her assurance of the continuance of her favour. 2 
On this particular journey the pleasure of escort had 
attendant troubles. The weather was so foul that it 
lessened Pepys's esteem of a king, "that he should 
not be able to command the rain." The ships lost 
their cables, sails, and masts, and for some days 
no tidings of Sandwich were to be obtained. On 
July 23 it was reported up and down the town that 
my Lord was lost ; and when news of his safety came, 
Pepys had to write and reassure Lord Crew, my 
Lady, and the family. On July 28 the Queen-mother 
reached Woolwich, and on July 30 Sandwich was safe 
in London. The peril had been really considerable 
so much so that one courtier looked at Sandwich, 
threw Earldom, Garter, and all my Lord's honours 
into the balance, and amid the noise of the tempest 
called out to him : " God damn me, my Lord, I won't 
give you threepence for your place now !" 3 

After this perilous adventure Sandwich had a few 
weeks' quiet, now in London, now at Hinchingbrooke ; 
for the money which was due to him for his embassy 
was not yet paid, and he said that by keeping his 

1 Carte MSS., 223, ff. 249, 250. 

2 Ibid., 223, ff. 59, 61. 

3 Pepys's Diary > July 30, 1662. 


family awhile in the country he was able to save a 
little. 1 On October 2 he was again in London playing 
the courtier, dancing at my Lady Castlemaine's, or 
watching the puppet plays at Whitehall. But this 
gaiety was mingled with serious business, for the 
Council was then engaged upon an affair in which 
Sandwich played a leading part. 

For the past three years France had considered 
the possibility of our abandoning Dunkirk, and had 
cherished hopes that Richard Cromwell might be 
induced to sell the town, but no advances were made, 
for the French Ambassador saw that public opinion 
was wholly opposed to the transaction. 2 Now matters 
had changed. Charles was already sorely in need of 
money. He was attempting to pay his own debts and 
those of his father, and at the same time, with easy- 
going generosity, he lavished Crown leases, gifts, and 
royal bounties, on scores of applicants. His Treasurer, 
Lord Southampton, as honest a man as ever faced a 
like muddle, was at his wits' end. By some means or 
another money must be had. The Queen's dowry was 
still in part unpaid, and the Portuguese match had not 
fulfilled our expectations. In July four-fifths of the 
first moiety was still to come, and all that we had was 
already consumed by the growing expenses of the 
kingdom. 3 

This question of the Queen's dowry was one which 
touched Sandwich. He had been blamed, unjustly, 
for the delay in payment, and it is conceivable that he 
looked to the sale of Dunkirk as some compensation 
for our earlier disappointments. He regarded the 

1 Pepys's Diary, August 23, 1662. 

2 Guizot, Richard Cromwell, ii. 313. 

3 Calendar of Treasury Books, July 15, 1662 ; and see Introduction by 
W. A. Shaw. 

i66 2 ] DUNKIRK FOR SALE 219 

place as too costly for us to keep, and entered with 
zest into the schemes for its alienation. 

The date at which the sale of the town was first 
proposed is not known, but one of the articles in the 
marriage treaty with Portugal provided "that Dun- 
kirk should never be parted withall to the Spaniard. 
This," says the writer, " proves sufficiently that the 
French began early to work by Portugal towards 
the bargain they at last obtained." 1 As soon as the 
treasury of Charles II. began to feel the burden both 
of Tangier and Dunkirk, it became obvious that one 
must go. To the Lord Treasurer, Southampton, it 
was probably a matter of indifference ; to the seamen 
it was otherwise. Albemarle was for the Mediter- 
ranean policy, and so was Sandwich. He had more 
knowledge of Cromwellian projects than any living 
man, more experience of the Mediterranean. He re- 
membered the days when, as Sea-General Mountagu, 
he surveyed Gibraltar and reported on Tetuan. A 
harbour in the Straits was a definite aim of the 
Protectorate; the cruises of 1656 and 1657 had been 
to that end. Dunkirk came to us, as it were, by a 
side wind ; the town had no part in any scheme of an 
extended empire. It was, as Cromwell said, a pistol 
pointed at the heart of Europe, a stronghold to awe 
the Catholic. It was useful, too, in order to keep 
watch upon our Dutch rivals, and upon the numerous 
privateers who swarmed in those seas. In Crom- 
wellian policy, the guardianship of the Straits was the 
ideal; and now that a port was obtained in time of 

1 Clarendon State Papers, vol. iii., appendix : Southwell to Clarendon. 
In the Carte MSS., 214, f. 230, there is a letter from Peter Talbot to Ormond, 
saying that Louis XIV. has offered, through Walter Mountagu, "a million 
of crowns for the business " though he does not explain what the business 
was and the writer adds : " I believe you may have much more, and what- 
soever you please" (June 22, 1660). 


peace, and Tangier was ours, Sandwich was deter- 
mined to keep it. It was strategically the most 
desirable, and must be retained. 1 The expense of 
Dunkirk since the Restoration amounted to over a 
quarter of a million, and Sandwich was aware that, at 
that rate, one place must go. To have made Dunkirk 
a stronghold would have needed more money than we 
could possibly raise, and the Admiral thought that one 
side of the Straits of Dover, with a powerful fleet, was 
sufficient check upon our immediate neighbours. And 
as he moved the acquisition of Tangier, he moved 
with equal ardour the sale of Dunkirk. 

When the transfer was certain, Spain, the natural 
purchaser, was ignored, and the place was offered to 
France. Early in August, 1662, the French Ambas- 
sador, Comte d'Estrades, arrived in England, and 
plunged at once into negotiations with Clarendon, 
who at first disapproved of the plan. He foresaw 
that it would be unpopular, and that the business 
should be " broken " secretly, but nevertheless con- 
ducted the bargain. 2 On September i the King 
authorized Commissioners to deal with the sale ; the 
Lord Chancellor, the Lord Treasurer, Albemarle, and 
Sandwich, were then appointed. 3 The bargaining 
lasted several weeks, for the English asked a high 
price. 4 The French account, given in the* Envoy's 
letters, nowhere indicates that Sandwich played any 
active part in the negotiations. He was in the main a 
silent man, and his speaking, Pepys says, was in- 

1 For the strategic importance see J. S. Corbett, England in the Mediter- 
ranean, vol. ii., pp. n, 12. 

2 Clarendon State Papers, vol. iii., appendix, p. xxii ; Continuation of the 
Life, etc., ii. 384 (edition of 1759). 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom., September i, 1662. 

4 Carte MSS., 31, f. 602 : " Mons. d'Estrades came here upon pretence to 
bring the Queen Mother, but really to buy Dunkirk. Before he left Paris he 
would have given a million of pistolles, but since coming here he is better 
informed of our state, and returns without offering near that sum. " 

1662] THE TOWN SOLD 221 

different. He allowed the actual transaction to be 
completed by his colleagues ; during most of Sep- 
tember he was at Hinchingbrooke, and only returned 
to London shortly before the bargain was sealed. 

On October 17 Dunkirk changed hands for 2,500,000 
livres. The French hugged themselves with joy, and 
looked upon the news as incredible. The outcry 
in England was enormous. Discontented merchants 
came to Whitehall and protested against the treaty, 
for they said that the place would become a nest of 
privateers, " and that thereby all their trade must be 
ruined." 1 "I am sorry to hear," says Pepys, "that 
the news of the selling of Dunkirk is taken so greatly 
ill, as I find it is among the merchants." 2 The blame 
for the transaction fell upon Clarendon, who had 
conducted the haggling, though the matter had been 
decided without his knowledge. Even d'Estrades got 
the impression that the rest of the Commissioners 
were against the sale, and that they laid the whole 
load upon Clarendon as the sole author of the treaty. 3 
The prominent part which he had taken made of him 
a scapegoat, and the public fixed all the blame upon 
him. They weighed all their troubles and scandals 
the King's neglect of his wife, the Queen's Popish 
practices; and some declared they would rather be 
governed by the Long Parliament than by the upstarts 
now in the saddle. 4 They swore that much of the 
Dunkirk money found its way into Clarendon's pocket, 
and went to help the building of his new home. 
Dunkirk House was its nickname ; the rhymester 
jeered him, and he was affronted about it to his face. 

1 Edward Combe, The Sale of Dunkirk (London, 1728), p. 126. The 
book is mainly a translation of the letters of Louis and d'Estrades. 

2 Pepys's Diary , October 19. 

3 D'Estrades, Memoires, i. 405 (edition of 1743). 

4 Clarendon MSS., October 31, 1662. 


It was not seen that the cession of Dunkirk was such 
a sound scheme as Sandwich maintained. He owned 
at once to have had much to do with the business, 
and took upon himself to defend it. He told Pepys 
that he wondered any wise men should be troubled 
at the sale, and scorned their talk against it, for he 
said that the value of the place was overrated. 1 The 
question of strategy concerned Sandwich rather than 
the question of price ; it was to him everything, for 
he was so obsessed with the Mediterranean idea that 
he was prepared to see the harbour of Dunkirk ruined, 
and its forts demolished, rather than retain it as an 
unnecessary expense. 2 It was evident that he had 
not anticipated the storm which broke about his head. 
He recurred to the matter again and again, and made 
no secret of his part in the business. He gave his 
reasons a year or two later ; he said that the port of 
Dunkirk could never be made commodious for ship- 
ping, for the sea was so tempestuous, and the grounds 
so various, and so rolling upon every storm, that 
there would never be certain access to the harbour. 

" And therefore," said he to Southwell, " I was the 
first man that, upon the considerations, moved the 
King to part with Dunkirk and all the burden of that 
chargeable garrison, though it happens that Lord 
Clarendon bears the blame." 3 

Sandwich, however, thought it wise to preserve his 
good name in the matter, and a few months later he 
sued out a pardon for all offences, which contains 
special mention of Dunkirk. 4 There is no doubt that 

1 Pepys's Diary, October 27. 2 Combe, Sale of 'Dunkirk , p. 53. 

3 Hist. MSS. Comm : Ley borne -Popham MSS. , p. 250. There is a similar 
statement by Southwell in the Clarendon State Papers, vol. iii. It should be 
borne in mind that when Clarendon was actually indicted for his share in the 
matter, Lord Sandwich was in Madrid. See Lister's Life of Clarendon, ii. 169. 

4 Carte MSS., 274, f. 3, October 12, 1663. This is a very handsome 
parchment document, illuminated, and with a portrait of the King inset. 


he had need of it. What was really a wise act was 
looked upon for many years as an almost incredible 
mistake. In 1664 a small pamphlet appeared in 
defence of the surrender. It was a piece of special 
pleading, and supplements the objection which Sand- 
wich brought forward. The writer suggests that 
Dunkirk was useless for an attack upon France or 
the United Provinces, for it was surrounded by neutral 
territory. He thought that "keeping such a costly 
key" would only draw war upon us, and it were 
wisdom to leave it a bone of contention between 
France and Spain. 1 The pamphlet provoked replies, 
and did not console the English for their loss. The 
business formed a count in each indictment against 
Clarendon ; and when the Chancellor fell from power, 
some of the odium was transferred to Sandwich. 
Many of his enemies were anxious that he should be 
called to answer for it. But that was years later ; in 
1662 Sandwich was still a power at Court. He had 
just brought over the Queen, with the promise of a 
rich dowry, and he had given us possession of Tangier ; 
so that Pepys, at the close of the year, records : " My 
Lord Sandwich is still in good esteem, and now 
keeping his Christmas in the country." 2 

1 A Discours of Dunkirk with some Reflexes on the Late Surrender thereof, 
etc. ; Thomason Tracts, E. 1957, No. 12. 

2 This chapter was written before the publication of The Acts and Ordinances 
of the Interregnum (edited by C. H. Firth and R. S. Rait). The book goes 
far to modify the prevalent idea of the crudity of revolutionary law. 


FAMILY LIFE (16611665)1 

'* What we get, how wise they keepe, by sparing, wants preventing ; 
Sorting all their household cares to our observ'd contenting." 


THE embassy to Lisbon was the climax of a strenuous 
and exciting period of Lord Sandwich's life ; for within 
two years he had taken part in the restoration of the 
King and in great doings at Court. His success was 
considerable, his star at its zenith; and his standing 
was sufficient to raise in him great expectations. But 
after the sale of Dunkirk there came a decline. Sand- 
wich lacked employment suitable to his temperament. 
He cared little for the tedious routine of the Wardrobe ; 
there was nothing to do at sea, and he had no great 
love for the intricacies and meanness of political life. 
Long gaps in his journal indicate his lack of interests, 
and for two whole years not a single line was written. 
Though from time to time the State papers afford 
traces of his movements, the main records of his life 
are preserved in the pages of Pepys. 

These two or three years were not wholly barren 
of interest, for my Lord was able to devote much of 
his time to family affairs. His home was gradually 
surrounded by an extensive estate. In addition to 

1 Authorities : The Carte MSS. contain most of the family letters for this 
period. Pepys's Diary (Wheatley's edition) has been extensively used ; other 
works are mentioned in the footnotes. 

22 4 

i662] THE ESTATE 225 

the Mountagu heritage at Alconbury and Stukeley, 
Sandwich bought more land near Huntingdon. " For 
the better support of himself and his family in the 
Dignity to which we have so deservedly advanced 
him," as the warrant has it, the Earl of Sandwich was 
granted 4,000 yearly. 1 Since the Treasurer did not 
want this to be a charge on the Crown lands, part of 
the sum was made up by fee farm rents, and a part by 
estates confiscated "during the late troubles." 2 The 
fee farm rents were granted round Huntingdon and 
Godmanchester ; the first of the estates included the 
manors and manor-houses of Lyveden and Churchfield, 
" in Oundle or elsewhere," lately held by the Treshams. 3 
To make up the full amount, which was not easily 
done, some fee farm rents in the Duchy of Lancaster 
were offered to the Earl of Sandwich, and those he 
selected are still held by his successor. 4 He also 
obtained the reversion of certain lands round Brampton, 
worth close on 700 a year, which formed part of the 
jointure of the Queen-mother. 5 He then purchased 
the rights over the rest of the manor, which was 
worth in all 2,400 a year. At the same time he was 
granted a right to preserve the game within a radius 
of twenty miles round Hinchingbrooke. 6 In a few 
years an estate was acquired which befitted an earldom. 
And when Sandwich ceased to represent his shire in 
the House of Commons, he was gratified by his 
appointment as Lord Lieutenant of the county. 7 

1 Carte MSB., 74, f. 498. 2 Cal. S. P., Dom., August 21, 1662. 

3 Ibid., November 2, 1660. 

4 Ibid., September 9, 1662. They were valued at 904 175. 8d. 
6 Ibid., October 24, 1662 ; August 15, 1663 ; June 25, 1664, etc. 

6 Ibid., January 10 and 13, 1663. The fee farm rents of Brampton Manor 
were in fifteen counties (ibid., p. 35). 

' Carte MSS., 274, f. 24. The commission is a very handsome vellum 
document, illuminated. 

VOL. I. 15 


His rank and dignity made it necessary that he 
should keep up a large household. As soon as he was 
created an earl his expenses rapidly increased. He 
had a master of the horse, engaged several extra 
servants, and was attended by a page, Laud Crisp. 
My Lady, too, must needs have a French maid, though 
neither could understand the other until Mistress 
Pepys came to interpret. My Lord retained Samuel 
Pepys, the secretary, and two young " servants " who 
had been with him in the Sound John Creed and 
Will Howe. Then there was Robert Barnwell, the 
agent, who died in 1662, and Henry Moore, who acted 
as governor when my Lord was at sea, and arranged 
most of the money matters. There was a chaplain 
and a housekeeper, a waterman in quaint uniform, 
several coachmen, several footmen, and Edward 
Shepley, the steward at Hinchingbrooke. In all, the 
establishment was increased to some forty servants, 
and my Lord brought back from Lisbon a little Turk 
and a young negro as pages for his daughters. When 
Sandwich and his lady travelled, a dozen people 
attended their coach and that which contained the 
11 mayds and parson." The establishment was far 
more imposing than in the old days when Sir Sydney 
Mountagu gave up his simple housekeeping to his son 

For such a large retinue Sandwich needed a larger 
house, and he set to work on rebuilding Hinching- 
brooke. He lavished care and money upon the place, 
and the fruits of his embassy to Lisbon are seen in 
the beauties of his home. At this time the house 
consisted of the old nunneries and the additions made 
in Elizabeth's reign by the " Golden Knight." An 
early eighteenth-century engraving, made thirty or 
forty years after Sandwich died, shows the addition, 


in Jacobean style, of an east wing. 1 There are, how- 
ever, among his papers no plans to show exactly 
what was done, and the house has since undergone 
many alterations, which render the date of the im- 
provements somewhat uncertain. 

The work there was begun before the embassy to 
Lisbon, and Sandwich was probably his own architect, 
just as he was ready to advise Pepys about the altera- 
tions in the house at Brampton. The execution of the 
work was in the hands of Kennard, the master-joiner 
at Whitehall, and of Philip Packer, who consulted 
with Sandwich as to the improvements designed. 
Most of the building was done in 1661. " To Hinching- 
brooke," writes Pepys, "which is now all in dirt, 
because of my Lord's building, which will make it 
very magnificent." But a few weeks later he comments 
on the condition of the house, " which is yet very 
backward, and I fear will be very dark in the cloyster 
when it is done." 2 

The Carte MSS. show that the main staircase was 
roofed, leaded, and improved, that some panelling was 
done, and that marble fireplaces were put in some of 
the rooms. 3 This was all completed while Sandwich 
was abroad, possibly under Lady Sandwich's superin- 

" I hope Packer will give you an account of the 
building," she writes to her husband. " I think the 
house is all covered. The panils for the starkcas are 
gone downe ; 4 they ware brought to me to see. 
Mr. Packer saies they are very well done. Ther is 

1 See Nathaniel and Samuel Buck's engraving, facing p. 254 

2 Pepys's Diary, December 9, 1660 ; March 4, July 14, and September 21, 

3 Carte MSS., 73, ff. 502 and 540. The invoice for the five marble fire- 
places gives their cost as ,1,275. 

4 I.e., gone down to Hinchingbrooke ; Lady Sandwich was writing from 


a 100 pound to be paid for more lead sence you went, 
besids what was bought in the countery." 1 

When Sandwich returned from Lisbon, he expressed 
himself well pleased with the work. 2 A few months 
later it was apparently complete, and it is possible 
that the addition was that now known as the " East 
Wing " ; for that is built in brick, with stone dressing, 
and tradition asserts that it was the work of the 
first Earl. 3 When the house was finished, Pepys 
inspected it. 

" I do, I confess, like well of the alteracions, and do 
like the staircase," he writes ; " but there being nothing 
to make the outside more regular and modern, I am 
not satisfied with it, but do think it to be too much to 
be laid out upon it." 4 

If Pepys is to be trusted, the nunnery was still the 
most prominent part ; for later, in speaking of another 
house, he says that the outside " is an old abbey just 
like Hinchingbrooke." 

Towards the decoration of the interior Sandwich 
did a considerable amount. The glory of the house 
was a room which Fuller says was one of the most 
magnificent to be beheld in our nation. 5 The roof 
was of timber, in the style of a college hall, and was 
painted and gilt in square compartments ; the walls 
were partly fresco, and in the early nineteenth century 
were decorated with tapestry. The room retained all 
its ancient character, and the old carved elbow-chairs 
of the Cromwell period were still there. 6 In what was 

1 Carte MSS., 74, f. 366, November 13, 1661. Considerably over three tons 
of lead were used, an amount which would cover twenty by forty feet of roof. 

2 Pepys's Diary, June 14, 1662. 

3 Neale, Views of Seats, London, 1819. 

4 Pepys's Diary, October 13, 1662. 

5 Fuller, Worthies of England, i. 467. 

6 G. A. Cooke, Description of the County of Huntingdon, London, 1810- 



from a portrait by Robert Walker 

To face p. 228 of Vol. I 

1662] THE TERRACE 229 

known as the "Velvet Room" there stood the state 
bed used by Elizabeth, James, and Charles I. 

Continual additions to the garniture of the place 
were made by Sandwich. He bought a fine collection 
of plate. A list dating from 1658 shows that much of 
the silver now at the house was of his acquisition. 1 
He added numerous pictures the portraits by Lely 
and Walker, the Van Dycks, the earlier Mignards, and 
several copies which from time to time were made 
for him. " The house is most excellently furnished," 
said Pepys in 1667, " and brave rooms and pictures, 
so that it do please me infinitely beyond Audley 

In addition to improving the house, Sandwich laid 
out the gardens. Those who have passed along the 
Brampton road know well the grandeur of the terrace 
which hides Hinchingbrooke from their sight. It 
commands a fine view over the surrounding country. 
The wall is in parts upwards of twenty feet high ; it is 
built of fine grey stone, and finished off with ornament. 
It was the work of the first Earl. Pepys tells us how 
"my Lord took me with the rest of the company, 
and singly demanded my opinion in the walks of his 
garden, about the bringing of the crooked wall on 
the mount to a shape." 2 Sandwich also improved 
the waterworks, and added an anoria, or fountain. 3 
Indeed, had time or money permitted, the gardens 
would have been magnificent ; for the later journals, 
which Sandwich kept while on his embassy to Spain, 
are crammed with drawings of fountains and plans 
of gardens, and what is now known as the "rose- 
garden" very closely resembles some of them in its 

1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 201. The MS. is in Pepys's handwriting. 

2 Pepys's Diary, September 20, 1663. 

3 Ibid., October 15, 1664. While Sandwich was in Spain he made 
numerous drawings of these anorias, or fountains. 


design. 1 There is record of one more addition an 
ice-house ; this was built in 1666. It was fashioned 
after a plan given by Clarendon to Lord Hinching- 
brooke. 2 The drawings for the "snow-house," as it 
was called, are still in existence, and the place has 
been destroyed only within recent years. 3 

The house and gardens were well cared for by 
Lady Sandwich, for my Lord was blessed with a most 
excellent wife. Every fragment of evidence about his 
lady shows her to have been a woman of extra- 
ordinary personal charm. In appearance she was 
scarcely beautiful. The long, prominent nose which 
appears in the Crew family rather spoiled her face; 
but the big brown eyes, the full red lips, and small 
dimpled chin, were features attractive enough. She 
looks, as she was, a kindly, unaffected woman. The 
miniature which hangs at Hinchingbrooke, side by 
side with that of her husband, gives her a touch of 
real dignity, which she assuredly did not lack, and 
she could on occasions look both merry and hand- 
some. 4 

But her chief charm was her charm of character. 
" So good and discreet a woman I know not in the 
world," says Pepys. 6 Her quaintly-spelled letters are 
a perpetual delight to the reader, and show her to 
have been a wife, a mother, and a hostess, of excep- 
tional virtue, kindliness, and vigilance. A box of these 
letters was unearthed by a brilliant descendant, who 
quotes them as being the most extraordinary lessons 
of economy that ever she read in her life. 6 Lady 

1 See the MS. Journals, especially vols. vii. and viii. 

2 Carte MSS., 223, f. 131. 

8 Ibid., 74, f. 328. The designs are in Shepley's hand ; the well had a 
diameter of 26 feet, and tapered down to 12 feet. 

4 Pepys's Diary, October 25, 1661. 5 Ibid., August 29, 1664. 

6 Lady Mary Wortley Mountagu, December 6, 1712. 

From a portrait by Sir Peter Lely 

To face p. 230 of Vol. I 

1662] LADY SANDWICH 231 

Sandwich's house and family were her chief care. It 
was she who sent up her good things to London her 
home-made brawn and venison pasty, her turkey pie, 
" and very good red wine of my Lady's own making." 
It was she who looked after the girls' education and 
health. Over the latter she was so anxious that a 
friend advised moderation, "for more miscarry by 
physic than the disease." 1 In addition to the care of 
her children, Lady Sandwich ordered the house when 
her husband was away, and looked after his interests, 
his lands, and his finances. 

Against the jovial and careless extravagance of 
Sandwich, she set her sound common-sense. When 
he was away at sea she practised the most rigid 
economy. " I find," says Pepys, " that I dine as well 
myself, that is, as neatly, and my meat is as good and 
well-dressed, as my good Lady do, in the absence of 
my Lord." 2 She turned matters over and over with 
Sam Pepys, and lamented the struggles necessary to 
make ends meet. 

" My Lady and I sat two hours alone, talking of the 
condition of her family's being greatly in debt," he says, 
" and many children now coming up to provide for. 
I did give her my sense very plain of it, which she took 
well and carried further than myself, to the bemoaning 
their condition and remembering how finely things 
were ordered about six years ago, when I lived there, 
and my Lord at sea every year." 3 

Though she discussed matters with Pepys, Lady 
Sandwich did not hide the state of affairs from her 
husband. While he was on his mission to Portugal 
she wrote him letters full of the details of her accounts : 
the payments for her sons' education, the expenses of 
a doctor for Paulina, or for the instruction of her 

1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 100. 2 Pepys's Diary, November 7, 1664. 

3 Ibid., June 29, 1664. 


daughters. " Jem and Pall's masters cost 8 a month," 
she writes, " besides their musick, for singing, dancing, 
and French. Nan is counted in with them." And as 
Lady Sandwich enumerates her disbursements, so she 
apologizes for incurring them. " I feare you will 
think us very ill husbands ; our expences have been 
high sence you went, soe many extorordanary ocations 
for money;" but in a postscript to the letter, when 
some funds had evidently come in, she adds, with 
simple delight : " Now I hope we shall pay some of our 
dets." 1 

She was, however, no miser. It was she who urged 
Pepys to lay out a little more money upon his wife, 
and persuaded him to send home some lace that she 
might choose a fichu for Mrs. Pepys. 2 Wherever she 
appears, there is nothing on record but some act of 
charm and unselfishness. The diarist forgave her the 
small extravagance, and his pages are a witness to her 
modesty and goodness of heart. Throughout he 
writes of her with sincerest feelings. No wonder that, 
when she was ill, he said : " It will be a sad houre to 
the family should she miscarry." 3 For in the spring 
of 1664 she was ill of the measles, and the whole 
household was plunged in melancholy. During her 
convalescence she sent for Pepys and his wife, if they 
were not "afeard " to come up to her. There they would 
have the same innocent discourse that they used to 
have, and would vary this by a little match-making or 
by playing a quiet game of cards. 

One of the chief expenses which caused her lady- 
ship anxiety was the education of the two elder 
sons, Edward and Sydney, boys just in their teens. 4 

1 Carte MS S., 74, ff. 351, 365. 

2 Pepys's Diary, November 9- 1 1 , 1661. 3 Ibid., April 29, 1664. 
4 Edward was born on January 13, 1648, and Sydney on July 28, 1650. 

i66 2 ] YOUNG EDWARD 233 

In 1660 Edward had accompanied his father to Holland, 
and witnessed the picturesque scenes which heralded 
the Restoration, and the ceremonial when his father 
received the Garter. At that time Pepys was his 
guide, and the boy received his early education from 
the Secretary, and from Dr. William Fuller of 
Twickenham, who laid a good foundation for his 
classics, and taught him at least to write the clearest 
of hands, and to indite conventional letters in Latin 
to his most-honoured father. 1 

In 1661 Edward and Sydney were sent to continue 
their education in France. Their father was at the 
time on his way to Portugal, and they were put in 
charge of their cousin, George Mountagu. Pepys 
arranged for their journey, and before they left 
London he entertained them, "and showed them 
1 The Merry Devill of Edmunton/ which is a very 
merry play, the first time I ever saw it," he says, 
"which pleased me well." Then came a visit to his 
house, and a supper of fruit and wine. He overdid his 
entertainment, for two days later he writes : 

" I had notice that my Lord Hinchingbrooke is fallen 
ill, which I fear is with the fruit that I did give them 
on Saturday last at my house : so in the evening I 
went thither, and there found him very ill, and in 
great fear of the small-pox." 2 

" We have had to do with fisitions and nurses," wrote 
Lady Sandwich. " Ned was sick a little before he 
went, which did for some time hinder ther going." 3 
But the boy was soon well, the ailment was one which 
his mother called " the new fever," and on August 27 
Pepys saw the two boys "go out by coach towards 
Rye in their way to France, whom God bless." 4 

1 Carte MS 'S., 223, f. in. 2 Pepys's Diary, August 12, 1661. 

3 Carte MSS. t 74, f. 366. 4 Pepys's Diary, August 27, 1661. 

2 3 4 FAMILY LIFE [CHAP, vi 

Arrived in Paris, the boys were handed over to 
Walter Mountagu, brother of the Earl of Manchester. 
He had become a Roman Catholic, was Abbot of 
Pontoise, and a great favourite at the French Court. 
During the next few years he did all that was possible 
for his cousins. At first they were too young for the 
Academy, and so were placed where they could learn 
letters and exercises both together. 1 Their "governor " 
was one M. de Jacquieres, who accepted with a seemly 
assumption of diffidence the precious charge en- 
trusted to him. They acquired various pursuits, and 
Lord Hinchingbrooke took to horsemanship, but says 
that Sydney refused to ride. He adds : " Nous 
croissions beaucoup de corps, nous tacherons tous les 
jours de croistre aussi bien au vertu." 2 After a year 
or so the lads were sent to the famous Academy of 
M. du Plessis, and there spent about two years. In 
1663 they wished to leave it ; " pour estre externes." 
But their tutor, de Jacquieres, was opposed to this : 
he thought that the boys merely desired more freedom 
of holiday than was afforded by life in the Academy. 3 
" M. de Sidni " had not yet learned to ride ; the boys 
needed expensive masters for Latin, for dancing and 
the lute; and their dress and that of their lackeys 
made expenses mount up to such an extent that 
de Jacquieres could not guarantee a sufficient margin 
out of their allowance. 4 

They did not change their quarters at once, for 
Lord Abbot Mountagu advised that the elder should be 
left " this winter still in the Academy, where he may 
perfect those exercises which his age is disposed 
unto." At the same time the Abbot spoke of inquiring 
about a wife for Lord Hinchingbrooke, though he did 

1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 635. 2 Ibid ^ 22 ^ f> 6g 

3 Ibid., 223, f. 73. 4 Ibid ^ 223> f< 75 _ 

i66 3 ] THE BOYS' EDUCATION 235 

not advise " the tying him up so soon." He suggested 
the Grand Tour in the following spring, and began to 
look out for a man to accompany the young Viscount ; 
" a discreet companion with authority over him will be 
requisite." 1 

The sober and discreet man whom he chose was a 
M. de Prata, who remained with them for some 
years. In March, 1664, the boys left the Academy, and 
took lodgings in the town. 2 The new tutor wrote to 
Sandwich many excellent letters giving a picture of 
the life they led. His reports were mainly favourable ; 
"this being a workie day and both My Lord and Mr. 
Sydney being earnest about their exercises they could 
not write to your Excellency," he says. On coming 
out of the Academy, Latin and dancing were left 
alone, and the social side of life, their training in 
manners, was taken up. They met several young 
noblemen who were living in Paris for the same pur- 
pose. " My Lord and Mr. Sydney's best employment 
hath beene, now and then to make visits, and often to 
play att Maill," writes de Prata. 

" When bad weather opposeth their walking abroad, 
they commonly play with some gentlemen of the same 
house att checks, att cards, att trick-track ; having in 
the Academy by a long use gott no ordinary skill in all 
those playes. Of reeding there is but little mention 
made except what I make often, though with all the 
sweetness and the good humour which is to be used 
with persons of their quality and with those that you 
love so well." 3 

Their lack of learning was balanced by prudent 
demeanour : 

"They doe find now and then att their cominge as it 
were into the world, that they were newer to severall 
things, then they could imagine when they were within 

1 Carte MSB., 223, f. 65. 2 Ibid., 223, ff. 77-81. 

3 Ibid., 223, f. 81. 


the walls of an Academy. Yett their having been so 
young trusted among so many strangers hath done 
them this good, that they are as 'twere naturally dis- 
creet and reserv'd in words, and cautious of giving 
any body matter of offence." 

And the tutor continues : 

" My Lord's mind is noble and generous, he loveth to 
be praysed and esteemed, hearkeneth to admonition 
and ruleth himself. He only wants confidence enough 
to declare himself, and show those parts, but that also 
will come in its time. Mr. Sydney hath witt and 
memory, and will doe well with a man that be some- 
thing more exact than with my Lord is necessary. 
He can learne any thinge with great facility even 
by heart, as out of sport I have sometimes tryed it, 
making it our play who should soonest have by 
memory so many verses." 1 

A later letter describes my Lord as a great lover of 

"too great perhaps for those yeares att which we 
are to learne usefull things rather than to meditate 
delightsome ones. I am affraid alsoe," says his tutor, 
" least this be one of the reasons which keepe him 
from reeding of bookes, and having that curiosity for 
the knowledge of histories, which he hath for all 
honest things besides. I was in some trouble the last 
night when the Embassador of Venice, who did my 
Lord the honour as to come twice to his Lodgings to 
see him, saying that before my Lord of Newcastle 
there had beene a man of quality who had written of 
the manner of riding horses, and called the man 
Xenophon. My Lord asked what man Xenophon 
was. He the other day, hearing of Moyses, made the 
question who 'tis. Other examples of the neglect of 
letters which is usuall at this Court are certainly lesse 
pardonable then my Lord's little advance made in the 
Greek histories. Yett I am afraid, my Lord, least this 
does not excuse me, and I thinke that I say the truth 
when I tell my Lord of Hinchingbrooke that att the 
Court where he is, God willing, to live and to make 

1 Carte MSS., 223, f. 81 

i66 3 ] THE GRAND TOUR 237 

himselfe knowne, persons of quality use to be persons 
of parts also and of great abilities; having in their 
being born Counsellors to the whole Nation a par- 
ticular call to knowledge and learning. 

"We are here in some difference with my Lord 
Lindsey's sonne, for the precedency, which some sayes 
belongeth to my Lord Hinchingbrooke, by the same 
reason that in England the English Earls sonns doe 
take place both of the Irish and of the Scott ; others 
say 'tis not so in France and other foreign countreys. 
I ask'd my Lord Embassadour's owne advice upon it, 
who answered me that he had written about the same 
subject into England and hath had no resolution as 
yett. My Lord of Hinchingbrooke is very desirous to 
knowe what order your Excellency will be pleased 
that we take for this." 1 

The stay in France was expensive, and cost the 
boys' father some 600 a year. My Lord Hinching- 
brooke promised to keep himself within such bounds 
as he could, without doing anything " indecent. 1 ' But 
the boys' accounts show their many needs. What 
with masters and footmen, coaches for state occasions, 
rich clothes, feathers, books, and the like, their travels 
cost a pretty penny. 2 One item incurred was for 
money lost at play ; M. de Prata discovered a 
gambling debt. "My Lord owed 22 livres, and 
Mr. Sydney 70 to gentlemen of the house they lived 
in." The tutor had warned his charges against 
playing : " truly to my sense," he writes, " my Lord 
of Hinchingbrooke showed himself very moderate, 
and Mr. Sydney very repenting." The debt was 
gladly paid, "they being honest gentlemen and of 
some condition that have won it." 3 

Shortly after this episode the brothers parted. 
They spent a few days with the Abbot of Pontoise, 
and then Sydney Mountagu returned to England a 

1 Carte MSS., 223, f. 83. 2 Ibid., 223, ff. 85 et seq. 

3 Ibid., 223, f. 88. 


lad so much grown "he is likely to be so undutifull," 
said the Abbot, " as to beate his father, you will 
easily guesse how this is to be feared of him." 1 He 
arrived home in May, 1664, and great reports were 
spread of him ; Pepys says that he was a pretty youth, 
" but not so improved as they did give him out to be, 
but like a child still." 2 Lord Hinchingbrooke mean- 
while went upon the Grand Tour, accompanied by 
M. de Prata. They went down the Loire, and then 
on to Lyons, where they paused for a time, and my 
Lord had a master for the lute, and one for Italian. 
His tutor was on the whole satisfied. 

" This onely is my exception," he writes, " that he 
doth not like reading, which obligeth me to recurre to 
vocalle discourse, and to strive by conversation to 
insinuate to his soule as farre as I am able what I have 
learn't by bookes and meditation." 3 

The boy's heart, however, was filled with eagerness 
for Italy ; he " minding only his travel, seemeth, while 
he longeth for it, to have done all the reste with 
lesser diligence then he was wont to do." 4 At length 
tutor and pupil arrived in Geneva, and at the end of 
1664 they came by easy stages to Rome. There they 
remained some months ; and de Prata made an effort 
to instil a real understanding of the country into his 
ward's mind. 

" He sheweth himself curious of all laudable things, 
and hath a great desire of learning. And 'twould not 
prove amisse, maybe, after the seeing of this towne if 
he should bestowe some months upon the Roman, 
Greeke, and moderne history, and touch some part of 

"My Lord hath a very good Italian master for a 

1 Carte MSS., 223, f. 67 i.e., in height. 

2 Pepys's Diary, June 20, 1664. 

3 Carte MSS., 223, f. 92. 
* Ibid., 223, f. 83. 

i66 3 ] LADY JEMIMA 239 

pistole a month, and a designing master for the same 
price. Those that teach of the lute are very scarce 
here, and they that are to be found, not good. They 
teach well of the guitarre, but my Lord is affraid, least 
it should spoyle what he hath of the Lute." 1 

Master and pupil wintered in Rome, and de Prata 
says that young Edward rapidly improved, and was 
soon looked upon as the most sober and discreet of 
all the strangers in the town. 

After the lad enjoyed his first experience of a 
carnival, he and de Prata left Rome, and in April, 
1665, they were back in Paris. 2 There Lord Hinching- 
brooke, as the son of that "Famiral Montaigu" who 
had assisted the French at Mardyk, received great 
civilities from Louis XIV., and from Monsieur and 
Madame, the Duke and Duchess of Orleans. 3 He 
came home " a very noble and hopeful gentleman." 
He arrived in August, 1665, just too late to witness 
the marriage of one of his sisters. 

This was the Lady Jemima, who was the eldest of 
the four daughters. She was a quiet, shy, and delicate 
girl. During 1659 she had to spend three months 
under a surgeon, one Scott, and before her marriage 
she was compelled to undergo a further operation. 4 
At that time she was nineteen ; her sister Paulina was 
three years younger ; Lady Anne and little Catherine 
were small children. 5 When Lady Jemima first came 
to London, Pepys wrote of her, " She lacks mightily to 
be brought into the fashion of the Court to set her 
off"; but when she was given some jewels, and was 
clad in more fashionable garments, Pepys was fain to 

1 Carte MSS., 223, f. 96. 2 Ibid., 223, f. 98. 

3 Ibid., 74, f- 33i. 

4 Ibid., 73, f. 322 ; Pepys's Diary, July 16, 1665. 

5 Jemima was born on February 18, 1646 ; Paulina on February 19, 1649 ; 
Anne in 1656 ; and Catherine on August 20, 1661. 

2 4 o FAMILY LIFE [CHAP, vi 

admit that she looked passing well. 1 She had that 
day been one of the four ladies who held the mantle 
at a royal christening. Pepys had known her from 
her childhood's days, when he used to arrange for her 
games, and she in turn taught him to play cribbage. 
In one matter she showed the training she had received, 
for she had wit enough to see that life in London and 
in the country demanded different codes, and was 
discreet enough to ignore Sam Pepys when she met 
him with one of his numerous mistresses. 2 

Samuel Pepys was the constant companion of the 
girls now taking them to the theatre, now with their 
cousins, the little Crews, to see the lions in the Tower. 
In 1664 three of them were in London Lady Jemima, 
Lady Paulina, and Lady Anne. During an outbreak 
of the smallpox at Hinchingbrooke, and while their 
mother was ill, they had lived with Pepys's father at 
Brampton, a mile from their own home. They talked 
with Pepys of their merry life there, and told him " of 
their thrifty living for a fortnight before their mother 
came to town, and other such simple talk." 3 They 
all had jaunts together, accompanied sometimes by 

" Very merry we were with our pasty, very well 
baked ; and a good dish of roasted chickens ; pease, 
lobsters, strawberries. And after dinner to cards : 
and about five o'clock, by water down to Greenwich ; 
and up to the top of the hill, and there played upon the 
ground at cards. And so to the Cherry Garden, and 
then by water singing finely to the Bridge, and there 
landed ; and so took boat again, and to Somersett 
House. And by this time, the tide being against us, it 
was past ten of the clock; and such a troublesome 
passage, in regard of my Lady Paulina's fearfullness, 
that in all my life I never did see any poor wretch in 

1 Pepys's Diary, May 8 and July 22, 1663. 2 Ibid., August 5, 1663. 

3 Ibid., March 23, 1664. 

i66 3 ] THE WARDROBE 241 

that condition. Being come hither, there waited for 
them their coach ; but it being so late, I doubted what 
to do how to get them home. After half an hour's stay 
in the street, I sent my wife home by coach with 
Mr. Creed's boy ; and myself and Creed in the coach 
home with them. But, Lord ! the fear that my Lady 
Paulina was in every step of the way ; and indeed at 
this time of the night it was no safe thing to go that 
road ; so that I was even afeard myself, though I 
appeared otherwise. We came safe, however, to their 
house, where all were abed ; we knocked them up, my 
Lady and all the family being in bed. So put them 
into doors, and leaving them with the mayds, bade 
them good-night." 

The young ladies made a great story of their appear- 
ance next morning before their mother, but my Lady 
" took it very well, at least without any anger." l 

These visits of Lady Sandwich and her daughters to 
London were made easier since Sandwich had been 
Master of the Great Wardrobe, and during much of 
this period Lord and Lady Sandwich lived at the 
official residence, a fine City house on St. Andrew's 
Hill, hard by Wardrobe Place, off Carter Lane. 2 " This 
place," said Lady Sandwich, " doth much suit with my 
humour ; 'tis a good house and conveneant and if any 
news be sturing we hear it." 3 But it was neither 
good nor convenient until Sandwich had repaired it 
inside and out. When he first went there he found 
the place was ruinous and unfit for use. He was com- 
pelled to disburse 1,200 during his first three years of 
office, in order to make the house even " pretty 
pleasant," and the money was not repaid him until 
many months after. 4 

1 Pepys's Diary ) June 15 and 20, 1664. 

2 H. B. Wheatley, Pepysiana. 

3 Carte MSS., 74, f. 366. 

4 Cal. S. P., Dom. t August 17, 1664. 

VOL. I. 16 


The Wardrobe was a centre of- varied life. A small 
colony of workmen lived in the precincts. 1 There 
were tradesmen and artificers of different kinds, and a 
number of poor children " in tawny clothes," who were 
educated and maintained there, and whom Sandwich 
had to remove before taking up his residence. 2 The 
children were connected with some charity ; the 
numerous workmen were there to carry out the mani- 
fold functions of the Wardrobe ; the knitting, spinning, 
weaving, lace-making, button-making, and silver-wind- 
ing, gave employment to 800 hands. Deputies of one 
grade or another were many, appropriate to the 
functions. A coronation or a royal pageant gave them 
a busy time. All kinds of state clothes were there ; 
choice linen for the King's household ; liveries for 
musicians, pages, and falconers ; surplices for gentle- 
men and musicians of the Chapels Royal ; cloths for 
the Communion ; prayer-books and psalters ; palls and 
cushions of cloth of gold ; footstools of crimson velvet, 
and ensigns for the various regiments, were stored in 
the great cupboards. The patronage of the Master 
was sought by many a merchant, and Sandwich 
received handsome presents in return for his favour ; 
one sent him a Japanese escritoire and some precious 
stones, and declared that he blushed at the meanness 
of his gift ; 3 another sent seven pictures of huge size, 
which depicted the history of Cassandra, and were 
painted by Federico of Antwerp. 4 Most of the 
property which Sandwich had in the Wardrobe 

1 Carte MSS., 74, f. 501. This is an interesting petition to Lord Sand- 
wich from the governors of the Hospital of the Wardrobe, about the poor of the 
Wardrobe House. For the details of the payments, and so forth, see S. P., 
Dom. : Charles //., Ixxix., f. in. 

2 Pepys's Diary, June 21, 1660. 

3 Carte MSS., 75, f. 9. 

4 Ibid., 74, f 404. The pictures measured II feet by 9 feet. 

i66 3 ] CHELSEA 243 

was, however, destroyed by the Great Fire, and the 
pictures are no longer in existence. 

The Wardrobe was of no great concern to Sandwich, 
who preferred more active interests. Matters went 
as ill as they had previously gone well, and he had 
continued reason for despondency. During the early 
part of 1663 he was afflicted with a most severe illness, 
which caused his friends great anxiety, and brought 
about his withdrawal from Court, though business kept 
him near London. For the sake of fresher air, he 
exchanged his lodgings at Whitehall for a house at 
Chelsea. It was a pleasant journey by coach, and folk 
were tempted out there to drink the morning draught 
of ale, or they journeyed by river to take supper at 
some hostelry, and then to sing on their journey home, 
and " make sport with the bargees." 

Amid such surroundings Sandwich lived a quiet life, 
within reach of his friends. 

" We found my Lord all alone at a little table with 
one joint of meat at dinner," wrote Pepys. " We sat 
down and very merry talking, and mightily extolling 
the manner of his retirement, and the goodness of his 
diet, which indeed is finely dressed." 

The mistress of the house was a Mrs. Becke, " a 
woman of good condition heretofore, a merchant's 
wife," and so excellent were her cakes " that my Lord's 
words were they were fit to present to my Lady 
Castlemaine." 1 On another occasion Pepys found my 
Lord dining with Mr. Creed and Mr. Becke. There 
they were joined by Christopher Gibbons, organist of 
Westminster. When dinner was done, 

" they played a good Fancy, to which my Lord is 
fallen again, and says he cannot endure a merry tune, 
which is a strange turn of his humour. . . . After- 

1 Pepys's Diary^ April 29. 


wards to ninepins, where I won a shilling," says 
Pepys, "Creed and I playing against my Lord and 
Cooke." 1 

Though my Lord's retirement at Chelsea was due 
in part to ill-health, it was also influenced by affairs. 
Sandwich had no great love for politics, and did not 
take any active part in political life. He saw that the 
Court was being rent by faction, and in disgust he 
withdrew. He had undoubtedly great hopes as to 
the healing results of the Restoration, and it was to 
him a bitter disappointment that quarrels now divided 
his friends. 

The question of the time was the settlement ot 
religion; the Anglicans were opposed by the sup- 
porters of toleration, and while Sandwich's great 
friend, Clarendon, represented uniformity, his cousin, 
Lord Manchester, was the champion of the various 
creeds. Such sympathy as Sandwich had was on the 
side of moderation. He had propounded his ideas to 
Pepys; he believed in uniformity as a political solu- 
tion, but when it came to a uniformity which was 
forced upon the people, Sandwich was mindful of the 
lessons of the Civil War. He had no sympathy with 
Conventicle Acts and Five Mile Acts. The Church 
of England was to him an institution as worthy of 
respect as the law and the monarchy. Under the 
shadow of the Church lay his fathers ; he looked to 
the Church to bless his children at the font or at the 
altar. But in matters of belief he was sceptical 
Pepys says almost indifferent in matters of religion, 
and a man who mistrusted too much preaching. 2 
Sandwich had seen enough of the ill effects of a 

1 Pepys's Diary > May 27, 1663. The " Fancy " was a fantasia tune much 
in vogue. 

2 Pepys's Diary, October 7 and 22, 1660. 

i66 3 ] BETTY BECKE 245 

want of forbearance, and would have had the same 
policy as Charles, though for a different purpose. So 
while the religious question divided the House of Peers, 
Sandwich practically withdrew. He sat upon Com- 
mittees concerning the Post-Office and wine licences, 
and spoke upon a Bill for repairing the highways in 
his own county. He was also on a Committee for 
regulating the Herring Fisheries, and reported on its 
work. In the religious disputes he took little part, 
though he served on a Committee for considering the 
relief of those who through sickness did not pass the 
Act of Uniformity. 1 

Such small participation in politics only needed an 
occasional appearance in the House, and Sandwich 
continued at Chelsea. There he spent the summer of 
1663, well pleased with his quiet life. Soon tales of an 
attraction began to be spread abroad, and much was 
made of a single episode. 2 Pepys heard rumours of a 
romance, and stories were detailed by the gossips 
who carried letters to and fro and did my Lord's 
business. The lure was said to be Betty Becke, a 
daughter of the house. The babblers rushed to con- 
clusions, and coupled her name with that of Sandwich. 
Howe talked of her as " a woman of bad fame and very 
imprudent," and Edward Pickering, " the coxcomb," 
and Moore and Creed, vied with one another in paint- 
ing details. Whenever they came together they " fell 
a talking about my Lord's folly at Chelsey." Pickering 
had a tale about Sandwich playing a lute under Betty's 
window, and there were probably dozens of others 
which Pepys does not recount. 3 But at length his 

1 Lords' Journals , May 20, June 18, July 24, etc. 

2 The reader of H. B. Wheatley's Pepys, and the World he lived in, or 
P. Lubbock's book, Samuel Pepys, gets the case from the diarist's point 
of view. 

3 Pepys's Diary, September 9. 


mind was poisoned, and he came to believe that 
Sandwich allowed himself "the liberty that he says 
everybody else at Court takes." 1 The country girl 
became to Pepys a slut and " a wench, who it seems 
has been reputed a common strumpet." 

The gossip spread so fast that Pepys determined 
to play the candid friend. He first sounded Lord 
Crew, whom the family honour most nearly concerned ; 
but Crew was not to be drawn into conversation on 
the matter, and Pepys was satisfied that his lordship 
either knew nothing or there was nothing to be 
known. 2 When, after an autumn visit to 'Hinching- 
brooke, Sandwich returned to town, Pepys made up 
his mind to protest. He drew up a letter full of 
expostulation, but before sending it consulted Moore. 
When matters had gone thus far, he wavered, in the 
hopes, as he said, " that I may not have occasion to 
venture upon my Lord's good nature by such a 
provocation as my letter will be to him." 3 But Moore, 
on reading the letter, was hot-headed for sending it, 
11 assuring me," says Pepys, "in the best of his judge- 
ment that it could but endear me to my Lord," and so 
the letter was delivered. 4 

This action betokens a stout spirit in Samuel Pepys. 
It was no light matter to reproach the man whose 
influence gave him the very bread he ate, and a man 
who held such a position as his patron ; but Sandwich 
could be generous of mind, and he received the letter 
with a good grace, which does him infinite credit. 

" First he took notice," says Pepys, "of my care of 
him and his honour, and did give me thanks for that 
part of it where I say that from my heart I believe the 
contrary of what I do there relate to be the discourse 

1 Pepys' s Diary, August 10. 2 Ibid., September 23, 1663. 

3 Ibid.) November 16, 1663. 4 Ibid., November 17 and 18, 1663. 

i66 3 ] PEPYS'S PROTEST 247 

of others ; but since I intended it not a reproach, but 
matter of information, and for him to make a judgement 
of it for his practice, it was necessary for me to tell 
him the persons of whom I have gathered the several 

And so Pepys, although unwilling, detailed Pierce 
the surgeon, some maid - servants, Pickering, and 
another gossip. Sandwich defended the Beckes, " and 
the young gentlewoman, for whose reproach he was 
sorry." He then informed Pepys that it was his 
intention to take a house in London, "not to please 
any people, or to stop report, but to please himself"; 
and Pepys adds : " This I do believe he might say that 
he might not seem to me to be so much wrought upon 
by what I have writ." The conversation ended by an 
assurance on Pepys's part that no one was privy to the 
protest. But Sandwich knew Pepys for somewhat of 
a busybody, and insisted that Pepys should give him 
leave to except one. This he said in the real Mountagu 
manner, "speaking it as a quick retort." His percep- 
tion of the truth reduced poor Pepys to tears, for he 
had actually gossiped over the matter with Howe, and 
he feared "no medium between My Lord's taking it 
very well or very ill." 1 

But my Lord was in no mood to reveal his mind, 
nor was he made of such metal as melted under a 
reproof. He talked cheerfully of other things ; walked 
with Pepys to Whitehall, and there discoursed of the 
pictures in the gallery. Pepys was infinitely troubled, 
and in part abashed. The letter brought him many 
weeks of unrest. Every time he met Will Howe or 
Pierce the bearing of my Lord was discussed, and 
imagination grew with what it fed on. " By my Lord's 
looks upon me to-day, or it may be it is only my 

1 Pepys's Diary , November 22, 1663. 


doubtfulness . . . my Lord is not very well pleased." 1 
He searched for portents. Lack of a sign of kindness 
or respect troubled Pepys more than anything else 
in the world ; the tone of voice in which my Lord said 
goodnight could change the colour of his sky. " With- 
out showing me any good or ill countenance, he did 
give me his hat and so adieu, and went down to his 
coach without saying anything to me." At one time 
came a pretty kind salute, at another a talk over 
music, " though he cannot yet come to speak to me in 
the familiar style that he did use to do, nor can I 
expect it." As the weeks passed, Pepys thought that 
my Lord grew more even. " He did aske me how his 
cozen, my wife, did ; the first time he hath done so 
since his being offended, and, in my conscience, he 
would be glad to be free with me again, but he knows 
not how to begin." 2 

The key to all this doubt lay in a difference of 
character. Pepys was as demonstrative as Sandwich 
was reticent. His manner was cold and abrupt, but 
the coldness covered a kind heart. And least of all 
would Sandwich open out upon such a subject. It 
was the very matter to make a Mountagu more re- 
served. Nevertheless the letter had taken effect. 
However little there had been between Lord Sandwich 
and Betty Becke, my Lord became more cautious. 
He went less to Chelsea ; " he do follow his business," 
says Pepys, " and becomes in better repute than 
before." Sandwich took heed of the letter, but did not 
seek conversation on what was best ignored. He was 
not vindictive, nor did he behave in a mean or petty 
way. At the same time he was more guarded with his 
" servants," and both Howe and Pepys were taught 

1 Pepys's Diary, November 30. 

2 Ibid., December 14, 21, 30, 1663. 

i66 3 ] MY LORD'S ANSWER 249 

how far they might go. Sandwich, however, treated 
them kindly enough. During the winter he showed 
Pepys practical favours. He lent his coach and six 
horses in order that the Secretary might make a more 
imposing show at a large funeral, and he put him upon 
the Commission of the Fishery "not only a matter 
of honour, but that, that may come to be of profit." 1 
And then we get a true word-picture of my Lord's 
Mountagu-like manner ; he seemed to repel gratitude 
the while he desired and esteemed it. 

" I followed my Lord Sandwich and thanked him for 
his putting me into the Fishery, which I perceive he 
expected, and cried, ' Oh F says he, ' In the Fishery you 
mean, I told you I would remember you in it,' but 
offered no other discourse. But demanding whether 
he had any commands for me, methought he cried 
' No !' as if he had no more mind to discourse with 
me, which still troubles me and hath done all the day, 
though I think I am a fool for it, in not pursuing my 
resolution of going handsome in clothes and looking 
high, for that must do it when all is done with my 
Lord." 2 

The Becke incident, indeed, soon came to an end, and 
little more was heard of it. Sandwich kept his own 
counsel, and the later part of the story looks as though 
the scandal had no very deep foundation. Creed 
again told Pepys tales 

" of my Lord's going so often to Chelsea, and he with- 
out my speaking much, do tell me that his daughters 
do perceive all, and do hate the place, and the young 
woman there, Mistress Betty Becke ; for my Lord, 
who sent them thither only for a disguise for his going 
thither, will come under pretence to see them, and 
pack them out of doors to the Parke, and stay behind 
with her ; but now the young ladies are gone to their 
mother to Kensington." 3 

1 Pepys's Diary, December 14, 23, 1663 ; February i, 3, and March 10, 

2 Ibid., March 14, 1664. 3 Ibid., June 8, 1664. 


The sequel which there took place scarcely bears 
Creed out. Lady Sandwich and her daughters were 
staying with Dean Hodge. 1 Their society was that of 
the cathedral close : the Dean, a canon or two, and of 
aristocracy the serious-minded. Thither was invited, 
above all, Betty Becke, with her father and mother, 
and Pepys saw her and was converted. He describes 
her as " one that hath not one good feature in her face, 
and yet is a fine lady, of a fine taille, and very well 
carriaged, and mighty discreet." He continues : 

" I took all the occasion I could to discourse with the 
young ladies in her company to give occasion to her 
to talk, which now and then she did, and that mighty 
finely, and is, I perceive, a woman of such an ayre, as 
I wonder the less at my Lord's favour to her, and I 
dare warrant him she hath brains enough to entangle 
him." 2 

That was all : poor Betty was approved and white- 
washed ; the very next tale Pepys heard he refused 
to credit. 3 Four years later Betty was still unmarried 
and unharmed, living out her countrified life, and 
going her simple way in " the old house where my 
Lord himself was once sick." 

The whole story, which bears examination, gives an 
insight into Sandwich's character. During the relation 
the famous diary abounds in touches which reveal the 
man. His moods are well depicted : the lengthy fits 
of despondency; the choice of music which accords 
with his humour ; the pretended indifference to men's 
opinion ; the quick retort by which he could pierce a 
weak spot in Pepys's armour ; the gratitude with which 
he received advice ; the gruff manner in which he re- 
pelled effusive thanks ; the quiet determination to 

1 Dean of Hereford, and Vicar of Kensington. 

2 Pepys's Diary ', June 14, 1664. 

3 Ibid., June 20, 1664. 


avoid familiarity, are all chronicled. If Sandwich had 
dallied with Betty Becke, the girl certainly took no 
harm. Sandwich was still under forty years of age, 
and could well have flirted with a girl of eighteen. 
But he had none of the attributes of a rake ; to judge 
him an immoral man upon such slender evidence 
seems unfair to one whom Evelyn particularly de- 
scribes as chaste, and who was certainly one of the 
cleanest men at the Court of King Charles II. 1 

The episode was, unfortunately, an addition to my 
Lord's annoyances and worries, for during the whole 
of this time Sandwich was in great doubt as to the 
security of his position. To a certain extent he shared 
the unpopularity of Clarendon, his most intimate 
friend at Court. During 1663 Clarendon declined in 
favour ; he thwarted the King over the toleration 
which Charles fondly hoped to extend from Presby- 
terian to Papist, and his unpopularity with a faction 
was revealed by the endeavour made to impeach him. 
When the articles of impeachment were introduced by 
Bristol, Sandwich was present in the House of Lords. 
He listened with a disturbed mind to the whole debate, 
and looked upon Clarendon as " irrevocably lost," but, 
adds Pepys, 

" he will not actually joyne in anything against the 
Chancellor, whom he do. own to be his most sure 
friend, and to have been his greatest, and therefore 
will not act openly in either, but passively carry 
himself even." 2 

Pepys unwittingly gives the impression that Sandwich, 
who certainly disapproved of Clarendon's policy, failed 
to stand at the Chancellor's side, but Sandwich was 
the only man who several times dined with the 

1 Evelyn's Diary, May 31, 1672. 

2 Pepys's Diary > April 29. 


Chancellor when the Court shunned him, and it was 
he who, after the debate, escorted Clarendon to his 
house, and refused to pay a visit to Lord Bristol or to 
return a visit of his. 1 

For Sandwich was not one of Lord Bristol's set, 
nor did he take part in the orgies which scandalized 
the nation. He, like his friend Clarendon, disapproved 
of gallantries and courtesans, though from time to 
time he showed some kindness to his neighbour, Lady 
Castlemaine, and certain loose gossip, unworthy of 
credence, coupled his name with hers. Her lodgings 
in Whitehall were hard by his own, and the King 
would come across the privy garden to speak with him 
at the lady's, but so out of touch was Sandwich with 
the extravagances of the times that eventually the 
King complained " of my Lord's living obscurely in a 
corner, not like himself, and becoming the honour that 
he is come to." 2 Charles found himself at times with 
only a small train, " to the shame of the nobility, who 
will not be at the expense of following him." 3 Sand- 
wich, frequently a delinquent, was in fact fain to 
appreciate " the uncertainty of princes' favours," and 
said so to those about him. Towards the end of 1663 
he made fitful attempts to reinstate himself; he spent 
some of his time at Court, playing cards with the 
ladies ; he gave up Chelsea and lived more in London. 
At times he joined the idlers who watched the King 
play tennis, and composed an anthem for the King's 
Chapel. He resumed his attention to the business 
of the Wardrobe, but even then he had no real 
interests. He needed an active life, and when he 
is spoken of as one "minding his carding or little 

1 Pepys's Diary ; November 6, 1663. 

2 Ibid., November 9, 1663. 

'* Col. S. P., Doni., March 9, 1665. 

i66 3 ] A HOUSE PARTY 253 

else," or as a seeker " after some vain pleasure or 
other," the man who sat in judgment was one who 
had employment into which he could put his heart ; 
whereas Sandwich cared little for the work he was 
called upon to do. Within a year, however, war 
enabled him to serve his country in the manner he 
best loved. 

The disappointments of his life as courtier were 
balanced by ample compensations at home, for he was 
a good husband, and a kind though undemonstrative 
father. He could seek rest in the quiet of his own 
home, and retire to his house and gardens at Hinching- 
brooke. There he spent his time in sport. He rode 
about the estate upon a fine Barbary horse which had 
been sent to him from the Straits. He enjoyed hawk- 
ing, and kept up a falconry, and shot the deer which 
roamed over the park and in the woodland. 1 He 
continued his care for the development of his place, 
and when the house and gardens were decent and in 
order Sandwich hoped to entertain the King on one 
of His Majesty's visits to the eastern counties, but the 
visit never took place. There is, however, among the 
State papers a description of life at Hinchingbrooke, 
while my Lord was entertaining " a most noble 

The writer says that he was much impressed " with 
that varietie of Pleasure and Ease " which the guests 

11 In the midst of which," he continues, " I find it 
necessary to exercise my uttmost Temperance, which 
hath restrained me hitherto from drinking any of those 
extraordinarie wines which flow freely at the table, or 

1 Carte MSS., 73, f. 158, and 223, f. 192. At the same time as Sandwich 
had his Barbary colt he was presented with " a cup beset with stones, said to 
be of unicorn's horn." In 1661 there were " seven score " deer in the park at 
Hinchingbrooke (Carte AfSS. t 73, f. 579). 


tasting any of those many sorts of Fleshe, which of 
themselves may make everie Meal a Feast, whillest I 
confine myself to Fish, which I have the pleasure first 
to see taken out of the Ponds, from the multitude the 
Nett presents to our Election, and then either make 
my Meal of the delicious and innocent Perch, or the 
Luscious Carpe, or the Lustie Breame, or the all- 
digesting Pike, which seeme to bee cramm'd, and are 
so large that one would believe them either to bee of 
another species, or to have been fedd and preserved 
by another generation to bee sacrificed to some greate 
Festivall in a following Age. In good earnest a Philo- 
sopher of the Severer Sect might even be justified, if 
his appetite should be free, and wanton at soe great 
temptations as I here endeavour to resist. But, without 
stint or restraint, I devoure the Aire, and gape, and 
drink it as greedily, as if I might play the Epicure in 
soe immatteriall a diete, whilest at the same time even 
to Gluttonie my eie is entertained, there being sett 
before it, at one view, what soe ever Sir Phillip Sydney 
in Romance, or Sir Henry Wootton more in Earnest, 
would describe to bee the most Perfect or Satisfying 

" For from a Pleasant Spott, either the Garden 
Terras, or the newe made Bowling Greene, or the 
Parke, or the adjacent Feild, we can at once see diverse 
greate Townes, waters, Bridges, and above twenty 
steeples and Parishes, the most beautifull meadowes, 
incompassed like artificiall Islands, with the gliding 
River ; Hills at soe proper, and soe differing a dis- 
tance, that if you would bound your viewe, you may 
reach those that pleasingly confine it ; if you would 
extend it, you may almost lose it, by not being able to 
judge whether you see mountains, or woods, or Clouds, 
soe well doe the Distances deceive you. In fine (for 
the Post is upon wing) everie Guest here is abundantly 
entertained, within doores and without, and it is not 
Easye, not to be soe ungratefull, as not to envie soe 
Faire a Prospect as this Lord enjoyes, and so full a 
Felicitie as everie waie embraces Him." 1 

Before the writer left Hinchingbrooke he went for a 
trip upon the Ouse. 

1 S. P., Dom. : Charles //., vol. xcii., f. 93 : Povey to Williamson. 

i66 3 ] EXPENDITURE 255 

11 We putt ourselves upon the Bosome of those 
waters," he wrote again, " which pleased us so well at 
Distance ; being therefore drawne abroad by sunshine 
and gentle Aire, wee went aboard our Admirall's Barge 
(which hath had the honour to receive the King), and 
being attended by the Swans, which sailed by us, we 
shott the Bridge at Huntingdon." 1 

When allowance is made for flights of fancy, it is 
evident that Hinchingbrooke was kept up in excellent 
style under the first Earl. All the economies which 
Lady Sandwich practised while her husband was 
abroad were neutralized at his home-coming, when 
everything was done upon a lavish scale. Few of the 
accounts are left, but one slip in the Carte papers is an 
account of Edward Shepley's, audited by Pepys. By 
this it appears that in eleven weeks the expenditure 
was 2,693 J the kitchen took 68, the stables 30, 
and "mixed expenses" came to 2,248.2 It is true 
that these accounts deal with a costly period, but 
experience has often shown that in the upkeep of a 
large establishment nothing is so difficult as retrench- 
ment, especially when an easy-going master, like Lord 
Sandwich, has the last word. To a certain extent his 
extravagance was justified by the hopes which he 
entertained. He was well rewarded for his work. 
It is not easy to estimate his actual income, which 
was derived from various sources. The 4,000 a year 
granted at the Restoration was subject to many 
vicissitudes ; the other sums were uncertain, and rents 
came in slowly. The 4,000 which was received as a 
reward for the Portuguese Embassy was swallowed 
up in the improvements upon the house and in the 

1 S. P., Dom. : Charles II. , vol. xciii., f. 22 : Povey to Williamson. The 
barge was that used by Charles II. at the Restoration ; it was taken to 
Hinchingbrooke shortly after. 

' 2 Carte MSS., 74, f. 276. The paper is endorsed, " Examined by Pepys," 
and Sandwich has added, " Agreed and signed." 


expenses of the household. 1 The income from the 
Wardrobe was very uncertain, and Sandwich hoped 
at first that he might make it worth 7,000 a year. 
It was not the salary that did make a man rich, so he 
told Pepys, " but the opportunity of getting money 
while he is in the place." It was a cynically easy 
remark, and Sandwich sadly over-estimated his power. 
While he was away the Wardrobe money came in 
slowly, and the office got more and more behindhand. 
Most of the payment was by tallies, and for month 
after month Sandwich had no actual income from his 

To meet the expenses of the office he was allowed 
25,000 a year, and in the first flush of success he told 
Pepys that he then anticipated a surplus of over 3,000 
a year if it were paid. 2 He might well add a doubt, 
for of all the departments of State, none appears to 
have been more behindhand. True, Sandwich began 
by obtaining a payment of 5,000 on account. 3 But 
within a year, owing to the expenses of the Corona- 
tion, the debts of the Wardrobe were 60,000, and 
Sandwich could only obtain a privy seal for one-third 
of the sum. 4 The accounts, in fact, went from bad to 
worse an upholsterer who had expended 9,000 only 
received 600 and all his credit was soon gone. The 
outburst of loyalty consequent upon the Restoration 
had a disastrous effect upon the nation's finance. The 
calls for pageantry fell heavily upon the Wardrobe, 
and the Master could not obtain one-third of the 
necessary money. The Sandwich MSS. contain 

1 The balance of 4,000 is estimated from the Treasury Books of January 27, 

2 Pepys's Diary, December 20, 1662. The expenses for three years were 
returned at 47,000, which left a surplus such as Sandwich anticipated. At 
first the allowance was .20,000 (CaL S. P., Dom., October, 1663). 

8 CaL S. P., Dom., August 13, 1660. 4 Carte MSS., 73, f. 583. 


numbers of letters which show how ill-kept were the 
figures. It was impossible to get any payment out 
of the Treasury. The whole office was conducted 
without system. The charge for the Wardrobe was 
upon the first-fruits of a diocese ; when that did not 
answer, it was shifted to the hearth-money. In order 
to cope with the trouble, the King offered to pay 
interest on a sum assigned to the Earl of Sandwich, 
" that so he may borrow on the same, and the order 
thus be made as useful as ready money." Of a sum of 
10,000 needed and promised, only 4,000 was paid, 
and Sandwich could get no more. 1 Neither tallies nor 
money could be obtained, and bonds and credit were 
sacrificed. 2 Townsend, the Deputy-Master, appealed 
to the Treasury for funds, but in vain ; he wrote to 
Sandwich that he had received for answer only " a 
peece of paper stuft with nasty Language, nothing 
to the purpose." 3 And thus from year to year the 
Wardrobe went on, making occasional payments, its 
business a source of anxiety rather than profit to the 
Master. 4 

These accounts are given in some detail because 
they help to illuminate the life of Lord Sandwich, and 
to account in part for his debts. The grants which 
Charles II. made to his supporter were generous, but 
unreal. They were made in a time of uncertainty ; 
they were based on the perquisites of an office which 
was months in arrear, or fee farm rents in scattered 
counties. The grants, too, were looked upon with 
disfavour by a certain section, and there was at times 

1 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Ministers, i. 93. See also Calendar of 
Treasury Books, December 21, 1663 ; June 25, 1664. 

2 Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Ministers, i. 95. 3 Ibid., i. 117. 
4 Carte MSS., 75, f. 197. Townsend had obtained ,20,000 to strike 

tallies. The accounts from June, 1660, to Michaelmas, 1666, are in the 
Carte MSS., 74, ff. 249-252. 

VOL. I. 17 


a talk of the restitution of lands. 1 Sandwich did not 
feel safe until a vote was passed in Parliament that 
the King's grants should be made good. 2 Even 
Albemarle had difficulty in getting his money, 3 and 
where he was economical, Sandwich was extrava- 
gant. The expedition to Portugal was a costly affair ; 
abundance of entertaining was forced on him, and yet 
two years from his home-coming the accounts were 
still unpaid. Meanwhile he was improving his estate 
and adding costly furniture to his houses. Although 
he was partly the victim of a bad system, he was un- 
deniably careless. His accounts were badly supervised. 
He estimated his income at what was then the large 
sum of 8,000 a year, and spent in princely fashion. The 
result was that in 1664 he was 10,000 in debt. 4 On 
this sum he paid interest " a sad thing," says Pepys, 
" especially considering the probability of his going to 
sea, in great danger of his life, and his children, many 
of them to provide for." 6 True, the Wardrobe owed 
him 7,000, but he had no idea how to get it paid, and, 
instead of making an effort at economy, he only ran 
the more into debt. A further expense was a second 
London residence ; he paid a rent of 250 for a fine 
house and garden in Lincoln's Inn Fields, which Pepys 
called "deadly dear." 8 

But despite all his worries, Sandwich was fairly 
philosophical. Bearing patiently is the best way, 
said he, " without noise or trouble, and things wear 
out of themselves and come fair again." He was at 
that moment in the middle of a lengthy conversation 
upon his affairs. War with the Dutch was imminent ; 

1 Pepys's Diary, March 29, 1663. 2 Ibid., May 25, 1663. 

3 Carte MSS., 73, f. 341. Albemarle could obtain only ^4,000 out of a 
grant of 7,000. 

* Pepys's Diary, July 15, 1664. 5 Ibid., April 25, 1664. 

6 Ibid., February 10, 1664. 

i66 4 ] MORE EXPENSES 259 

he was then prepared to go to sea, and he was detailing 
all his troubles, particularly the difficulty that he had 
in " carrying himself even " with Clarendon and Sir 
Henry Bennet, one of the most faithful Royalists, who 
was fast supplanting the Chancellor in the King's 
favour. With the new favourite Sandwich had some 
influence, as he well knew. 1 And while he discoursed 
there came news of the birth of a little Mountagu. 

11 Lady Crew came in to bring my Lord word that he 
hath another son, my Lad} r being brought to bed just 
now. I did not think her time had been so nigh," 
Pepys wrote, ''but she's well brought to bed, for 
which God be praised ! and send my Lord to study the 
laying up of something the more !" 2 

Within a few months more money was needed. 
A dowry had to be found for Lady Jemima, who was 
about to be married. Her hand had already been 
asked by Sir John Cutts, but the offer was refused. 
When her future was first discussed, and Lady Sand- 
wich thought of getting a good merchant for her 
daughter Jem, Lord Sandwich answered jocularly 
11 that he would rather see her with a pedlar's pack at 
her back, so she married a gentleman, than she should 
marry a citizen." 3 So Sir John Cutts was passed 
over, and Lady Jemima was betrothed to Philip 
Carteret, the eldest son of the Treasurer of the 

By the time these preparations were on foot Sand- 
wich was at sea, and others made the match, chiefly 
his lady and Samuel Pepys. The details of the 
courtship form some of the best known passages in 

1 Carte MSS., 223, f. 260. 

2 Pepys's Diary, July 15, 1664. This was the sixth son, the Honourable 
James Mountagu. 

3 Ibid., October 20, 1660. 


Pepys's diary. The boy for in experience he was little 
more than a boy was the most awkward lover Pepys 
ever met, and spoke of the lady " in the dullest 
insipid manner that ever lover did." He knew 
nothing of compliments, and could hardly be pre- 
vailed upon to take his lady-love by the hand, and 
needed Pepys's advice before he would do so. As 
for Lady Jem, Pepys says that when he would know 
how she liked this gentleman, "she blushed and hid 
her face awhile ; but at last I forced her to tell me. 
She answered that she could readily obey what her 
father and mother had done ; which was all she could 
say, or I expect." 1 To the very last the wedding 
was carried out with great solemnity, and after 
Pepys and the rest had kissed the bride in bed, the 
curtains were drawn 

" with the greatest gravity that could be, and so good- 
night. But the modesty and gravity of this business 
was so decent, that it was to me indeed ten times 
more delightfull than if it had been twenty times more 
merry and joviall." 2 

After his marriage the bridegroom wrote a letter to 
Sandwich, well in keeping with Pepys's account of him. 

" I hope," he concluded, " in time I may improve my 
good fortune, and, by imitating your Lordship's extra- 
ordinary examples, acquire some part of that worth 
which was wanting in me to make a happy match on 
both sides." 3 

The two houses were delighted. Sir George Carteret 
was very generous in his settlements, for he said 
he was sure that Lady Jemima " will prove to my 
familie (as I am told her name imports) a great joy and 
happiness." 4 He had already given his son 12,000, 

1 Pepys's Diary, July 17, 1665. 2 Ibid., July 31, 1665. 

* Carte MSS., 223, .281. 4 Ibid., 75, f. 323. 


of which 6,000 was in the hands of " honest 
Mr. Pepys." 1 And Pepys, in describing the marriage 
to Sandwich, speaks of it as the only occurrence he 
ever met with "begun, proceeded on and finished 
with the same uninterrupted excesse of satisfaction to 
all party s." 2 

i Carte MSS., 75, f. 35<>. 2 Ibid., 75, f- W- 




"Brave, loyal -hearted Englishmen, attend whilst I declare, 
What noble preparations is made for the Holland's war ; 
For certain such a bloody fight hath never been before, 
As is near, you shall hear, when the cannons loud do roar." 

Naval Ballads. 

IN the autumn of 1664, after two dreary and dis- 
appointing years, Sandwich was again called to an 
active life, and began that connexion with the sea 
which brought him an enduring monument in the 
memories of his fellow-countrymen. 1 

For several months the colonial affairs of England 
and Holland threatened to bring about an open rupture 
between the two countries. For several months little 
else was discussed but the rivalry of the two nations : 
" the trade of the world is too little for us two," said 
a sea-captain; "therefore one must down." 2 The 
Dutch, who had long been the sternest of monopolists, 

1 Authorities : The most important is Sandwich's own journal, which was 
resumed in July, 1664, and contains a mass of material for naval history. The 
State Papers in the Record Office, and Pepys's papers, in the Admiralty Library, 
are most helpful. The Carte MSS. contain much of the Admiral's correspon- 
dence. For printed sources : J. S. Corbett ; Fighting Instructions (1530-1816, 
Navy Records Society] ; Granville Penn : Memorials of Sir William Penn. 
Other authorities are quoted in the notes, and a bibliographical note is given 
as Appendix C. 

2 Pepys's Diary, February 2, 1664. 


i66 4 ] DUTCH RIVALRY 263 

the " Lords of the Southern Seas," whose carrying 
trade practised and encouraged a considerable marine, 
looked askance at the steady increase of England's 
naval greatness. The Navigation Acts had quickened 
this jealousy, and their enforcement did not suffer 
from the general slackness of the administration ; for 
the wealth of our oversea trade was welcome to the 
restored monarchy, and the Acts were renewed, 
extended, and rigidly enforced. 

The Navigation Act was not the only cause of friction. 
Two points one vital, one trivial brought abundant 
accession to the troubles between the English and the 
Dutch. The first of these was colonial rivalry in the 
Atlantic, mainly off the West Coast of Africa. The 
Dutch were very jealous for their profitable trade in 
negroes. In 1662 the Royal African Company was 
established, and soon found that all enterprise was 
stifled by the liberal interpretation which the Dutch 
put upon their own claims. According to their 
merchants, the flag of the provinces flew over every 
inch of the coastline. They forbade the English to go 
on shore, and fired on the canoes which endeavoured 
to trade with us, even cutting them from the ship's 
side. These practical insults were enlivened by taunts, 
couched in the basest language. The Dutch accused 
our company of debauching their people and harbour- 
ing their rebels. The English traders therefore 
prayed for royal protection, and maintained that the 
question involved "the very being of the American 
plantations, which must fall with the loss of the 
African trade, through want of negro servants." One 
of their desperate letters bears endorsement, "The 
Royall Company, losse of whole trade in Affrica. . . ." 
Our Ambassador at the Hague was ordered to 
protest, and to obtain a becoming show of resent- 


ment and indignation against the Dutch West India 
Company. 1 

Mere protest, however, was of no avail ; the distance 
was too great, the life too lawless, for diplomatic notes 
to carry any weight. The English tried retaliation, but 
named it "protection of our interests." Late in 1663 
we dispatched a squadron under Robert Holmes, a 
young and able commander, who soon brought about 
a crisis. He first proposed concessions, but the Dutch 
refused to hear him, beat and killed his messengers, 
and fired upon his ships. 2 Holmes met their in- 
solencies by force, and took one settlement after 
another. As this happened in time of peace, little 
wonder that the King said, " How shall I do to answer 
this to the Embassador when he comes ?" A trial 
formed the answer, and Holmes was called upon to 
account for his deeds " a matter of jest," says Pepys. 3 
The Dutch awaited his punishment, but he was 
acquitted of piracy, and promoted. Long before he 
returned to England war was imminent, and most of 
the year 1664 was occupied with preparations. 

As soon as they began, Sandwich took stock of his 
position. For some considerable time he was doubtful 
whether he would be called upon to serve at sea. The 
loss of influence which he owed to his withdrawal 
from Court, and the perpetual tricks of faction, rendered 
his position uncertain. Men of quite another set, 
courtiers rather than statesmen, so held the King's 
ear that none of his serious servants and friends 
could come at him. 4 The Duke of York, anxious to 
obtain the supreme command, was none too well 

1 Cal S. P., Col (1661-1668), 507, 553, 618, 663, 756. 

2 Ibid., 699. 

3 Pepys's Diary, September 29, 1664 ; January 9, 1665. 

4 Ibid., February 22. 


disposed towards Sandwich, his senior both in years 
and experience. But when the outbreak of war was 
a matter of weeks, and it was decided to send out a 
small squadron " to observe the motions of the Dutch, 
and to guard the narrow seas," the Duke's secretary, 
William Coventry, told another story. 

"The main thing he desired to speake with me 
about," says Pepys, "was to know whether I do 
understand my Lord Sandwich's intentions as to 
going to sea with this fleete ; saying, that the Duke, if 
he desires it, is most willing to it ; but thinking that 
twelve ships is not a fleete fit for my Lord to be 
troubled to go out with, he is not willing to offer it to 
him till he hath some intimations of his mind to go, or 
not. He spoke this with very great respect as to my 
Lord," adds the diarist, " though methinks it is strange 
they should not understand one another better at this 
time than to need another's mediation." 1 

Since Sandwich was not directly approached upon 
the matter, and was doubtful of the Duke's intentions, 
he offered little help to the decision of the Court; 
but at length he called Pepys aside, and desired him 
" to think of the fitness, or not, for him to offer himself 
to go to sea." He felt it strange that his appointment 
should be made a matter of negotiation between two 

" He wonders, as he well may," says Pepys, " that 
this course should be taken, and he every day with 
the Duke, who, nevertheless, seems most friendly to 
him, who hath not yet spoke one word to my Lord of 
his desire to have him go to sea. My Lord do tell me 
clearly that were it not that he, as all other men that 
were of the Parliament side, are obnoxious to reproach, 
and so is forced to bear what otherwise he would not, 
he would never suffer every thing to be done in the 
Navy, and he never be consulted ; and it seems, in 

1 Pepys's Diary, May 29. The order to fit out a squadron is printed in 
Granville Penn, Memorials of Sir William Penn, ii. 290. 


the naming of all these commanders for this fleete, he 
hath never been asked one question." 1 

But though Sandwich was rightly piqued, because 
he had not been consulted as to the war, he determined 
to offer his services. He decided that it was wholly 
inconsistent with his honour, and with his reputation 
at Court, not to go with the fleet ; so he sent Pepys 
to tell Coventry that he was most willing to receive 
any commands from the Duke, and to take charge of a 
small squadron. 

His offer was none too well received, and Coventry 
inquired whether Pepys had told Sandwich that the 
Duke did not expect him to go, a fact of which 
Sandwich was aware. This rebuff rendered Pepys 
doubtful, and set him wondering whether the Duke 
looked upon the proposed squadron as too small and 
unworthy a command, or whether he really desired 
Sandwich out of the way. In reality the intrigues 
and jealousies were woven round a future question, 
that of the command of the whole fleet. James was 
himself extremely anxious to go to sea, but was inex- 
perienced in naval matters. In addition, he was heir 
to the throne, and that stood in the way of his going. 
Other men had claims : Prince Rupert was experi- 
enced in a piratical kind ol way ; and there was 
Albemarle, who had been a General-at-Sea in the 
Commonwealth navy, and had won a glorious victory 
over the Dutch. But Charles could not spare him 
nor risk so valuable a life. Two men, however, had 
sufficient experience Sandwich and Penn. Though 
the former had never been in an actual battle, he had 
commanded off Mardyk and Dunkirk, chased Turks in 
the Mediterranean, and bombarded Algiers. William 

1 Pepys's Diary, May 31. The word " obnoxious" is used in the sense of 
"liable " or " exposed " (see Johnson's Dictionary}. 

1664] GOES TO SEA 267 

Penn was a sailor by profession ; he had served under 
Blake during the first Dutch War, and had fought in 
three important and successful engagements. In 
addition, such men had infinitely the greatest interest 
with the seamen, numbers of whom had been in the 
fleet during the Commonwealth, and who looked upon 
Albemarle, Sandwich, and Penn, as the survivors 
of a great period. Of the two last named, Sandwich 
held the higher rank, and it was natural that he should 
be called upon for service. 

It is possible that his actual appointment owed 
something to the King. Charles was a good judge 
of naval matters ; though he had not of late called 
Sandwich constantly to his private council, he had 
done so " in business of sea and the like," and when 
war was possible he paid him great attention ; indeed, 
Sandwich thought " the King never more kind to him 
in his life than now." 1 James, when once assured 
of the chief command, acted in a more friendly manner, 
and Sandwich was made Vice-Admiral. He received 
his commission with full powers to hold courts-martial, 
and was instructed to take into the Downs whatever 
ships could be collected, to keep the Duke of York 
informed of the size, strength and motions of the Dutch 
fleet, and to preserve His Majesty's honour. 2 On 
July 20 he hoisted his flag on board the London. 

Before Sandwich actually took over the command 
of the fleet, a few weeks elapsed. These he spent in 
the Thames, and on July 4 he entertained the King 
and Queen on board the London. Their Majesties, 
says the Newes, 

11 were treated at Tilbury Hope by the Earl of Sand- 
wich, returning the same day, abundantly satisfied 
both with the dutiful respects of that honourable 

1 Pepys's Diary > July 15. 2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 193, July 9, 1664. 


person, and with the excellent condition of all matters 
committed to his charge." 

As soon as the necessary preparations were made, 
and the squadron was ready for sea, Sandwich resumed 
his journal, which he had laid aside for two years. The 
first entries run : 

"July 1 8. In the morning I crossed the Thames at 
Lambeth, went to the Archbishopp to take my leave. 
About Southwarke mett the Kinge, Duke of Ormond, 
and Mr. Secretary Bennett in the Coach cominge from 
Greenewich. And I lay that night at Rochester: where 
I went and veiwed the shipps. 

"July 19. From Rochester I travelled to Canterbury, 
and there lodged that night. Went to the Cathedral, 
and veiwed it dilligently. In the Coate of Cardinal! 
Poole I found quartered the Armes of Mountagu and 
Mont Hermer. 

"Wednesday, July 20. From Canterbury I went 
towards Deale ; about Ash[ford] the commanders of 
the shipps mett mee. Att Sandwich port Captain 
Titus, and the Mayor and assistants of Sandwich mett 
mee ; with [whom] I went to the Lion, and received 
courtesy from the Mayor. Then, neere Sandowne 
Castle, my boates lay ready and about one of the 
clocke I boarded the London in the Downes." 1 

The journal then proceeds to give a picture of the 
daily life which Sandwich led on board his flagship. 
The Admiral first called a council of war, and issued 
his sailing and fighting instructions. He settled 
on the rendezvous: St. Helen's Road to the west- 
ward, and Southwold or Hollesley Bay to the 
northward. Then, leaving a cruiser off the North 
Foreland, he convoyed some African ships round to 
the Thames. From their captains he learned that 
Poleroon would certainly be delivered to us, and that 
the cession of Bombay was only delayed through 
Jesuit influence. One or two courts-martial were 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vol. i., f. 215. 

i66 4 ] SALUTES 269 

held one upon a captain who had delayed in joining 
the fleet, another " for trienge a man that his Gunn 
went off by accident, and killed the master's wife of 
the Revenge" The man was found "not guilty of 
murder, but chance medley, and ordered to be whipt 
and discharged the fleete." A master's mate who had 
spoken " very irreverent words of the Duke of Yorke " 
was disgraced and cashiered ; and the gunner in whose 
cabin he was drinking received punishment And 
one day the courts-martial were interrupted by an 
enormous waterspout, which provided my Lord with 
an opportunity for observation. 1 

Before leaving the Downs, Sandwich had some 
correspondence with the Duke of York, asking advice 
upon a small but troublesome matter the question of 
the flag. Our right to a salute was set out, supported 
by a list of precedents, and had been recognized in 
i662. 2 But now, as hostilities approached, the salute 
was neglected, and our claim was a continual trial to 
the Dutch temper. The irritation was increased, 
because the exaction depended on the power of 
enforcement. The instructions were as craven and 
as crafty as was Dogberry's advice to the Watch. If 
strong enough to ask 'em to strike topsails and flag, 
and they refuse to do it, then attack; if not strong 
enough, said the Duke, Sandwich could report the 
entrance of the enemy, and await orders. 3 The 
exchange of some shot will make the demand, he 
added, but it is not a captain's duty to be sunk on 
unequal terms. 4 

1 Sandwich MSB. Journal, vol. i., ff. 216-218. 

2 There is a most interesting MS. on the question in Southwell's papers : 
Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 34,353. See also Granville Penn's Memorials of Sir 
William Penn, i. 577. A late book on the subject is by T. Wemyss Fulton : 
The Sovereignty of the Seas. 3 Carte MSS., 75, f. 199. 

* Sandwich MSS. : Letters from Ministers, vol. i., f. 33. 


Soon after receiving the Duke's letters, Sandwich 
put to sea, with a small fleet which seems to have 
been a reinforced "summer guard." He divided it 
into three small squadrons his own, that of Vice- 
Admiral Allin and Rear-Admiral Berkeley. 1 He was 
engaged for some weeks in mere routine, the shipping 
of provisions, and the cleaning of his vessels. He also 
stopped his men "spending powder on salutes." He 
had a great hand in the preparations, and made a real 
attempt to bring his fleet to some state of efficiency. 
He braved storm and discomfort, and spent nearly 
the whole of the autumn and winter months on board 
the London, cruising with his squadrons from one 
part of the coast to the other westward as far as the 
Isle of Wight, eastward to the Downs. He gave his 
officers and seamen some practical work, for he insti- 
tuted sailing trials, which were not general in his 
period, though they were considered of the greatest 
importance a century later. He cruised towards 
the French coast, "for the better exercisinge of the 
men in navigatinge," as he said, " and findinge the 
Trymm of our ships." 2 The disposition of ballast, 
cargo, and masts, was thus tested, in order to bring 
the vessels under better control and to make them 
more seaworthy. On August 19 he writes, "Wee 
made what sayle wee could close hauld, to try our 
sailings." 3 There was a fine fresh gale and no sea. 
Before the wind the Dreadnought and Elizabeth sailed 
best, and the yacht Henrietta; but on the return 

1 His own squadron consisted of the London, Gloucester, Happy Return, 
Dover, Kent, Drake, and Nonsuch (ketch). His Vice-Admiral (Allin) had 
the Plymouth, Dreadnought, Crowne, Breda, Guernsey, and Lily. The 
Rear- Admiral (Berkeley) had the Revenge, Elizabeth, Hampshire, Pearl, and 
Hector (MS. Journal, vol. i., p. 214). 

2 S. P., Dom. : Charles II., vol. ci., ff. 24, 68. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. , f. 222. 


journey the Dover and Breda were, in four hours, 
some leagues ahead. The Admiral's own flagship, 
the London, proved a moderate sailer, but that was of 
less importance than the knowledge of seamanship 
which such exercises brought, and the inestimable 
value to leaders and men alike of sea-going manoeuvres. 

It was not only the preparations for war which kept 
Sandwich on board and engaged his attention. 
Throughout the autumn squadrons of Dutchmen were 
at sea, and it was feared that they might take advan- 
tage of our unreadiness and make a sudden attack. 
Designs upon the Isle of Wight seemed probable, and 
so greatly did Sandwich fear this that he prepared a 
minute report of "the guard-poles, beacons, watches 
and wards in the island," and gave orders for special 
precaution. 1 But the Dutch were in little better plight 
than ourselves, and rumours of a raid gradually died 
down. As the autumn gave place to winter, they 
were reported as having called in their fleet, "and 
paid their men half pay." Some of the English took 
this as a victory, " and a matter of some reputation 
to us it is, and blemish to them ; but in no degree like 
what it is esteemed at, the weather requiring them 
to do so." 2 The withdrawal of the Dutch was not 
due "to their want of courage or force," nor did it 
mean the end of all alarms. 

Before the close of the year the whole fleet was 
divided into three squadrons, and the question of the 
command was finally settled. James was appointed 
Commander-in-Chief, and had the Red Squadron ; 
Rupert was given the White ; and Sandwich was 
appointed Admiral of the Blue. 3 By November 27 the 

1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 251. 

2 Pepys's Diary, November 30 and December 3, 1664. 

3 Carte MSS., 73, f. 616, November 12, 1664. The warrant gives a list 
of his ships, fourteen in number. 


fleet consisted of " forty-one sayle of shipps men of 
warr." 1 Most of the various vessels were still unready, 
and several weeks elapsed while men were impressed 
and ships shifted from one squadron to another. 

The Dutch meanwhile were pushing on prepara- 
tions, for the situation was so strained that the out- 
break of war seemed only a matter of weeks. De 
Ruyter, who had been for several months in the 
Straits, was dispatched to the African coast, and had 
already begun to repair the breaches made by Holmes. 
The Grand Pensionary of Holland, Johan De Witt, 
realized that the chance of a settlement had passed. 
He would have done for conciliation all that could be 
done with decency, 2 but the English attitude grew 
more and more aggressive, and all hope of peace died 
away. Our Ambassador at the Hague, George 
Downing, welcomed instructions to fan the flames. 
De Witt learned from London that the resources of 
diplomacy were exhausted, and refused to treat for 
peace unless restitution was made of the places in 
Africa and America. 3 Secretary Bennet regarded his 
letter as mere bravado, or " only as an amusement," 
and sent it on to Sandwich. The Admiral replied that 
the King's honour was too much engaged for any 
accommodation. 4 And if the Dutch had any hopes of 
peace, these were dashed by the attack on their Smyrna 
fleet; for on December 13 Thomas Allin anticipated 
the outbreak of hostilities, attacked the Dutch vessels 
as they came up the Channel, and towed them as 
prizes into English harbours. 

After this attack the reprisals became frequent, and 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. , f. 233. 

3 Lefevre-Pontalis : Johan de Witt, vol. i., ch. vi. ; N. Japikse : De 
Verwikkelingen tusschen de Republiek en Engelandvan 1660-1665. 

3 Sandwich MSS, : Letters from Foreign Ministers ; f. 128. 

4 Carte MSS., 75, f. 236 ; S. P., Dom., ciii., f. 159, October 31, 1664. 

i66 5 ] REPRISALS 273 

were fully authorized. 1 Either side was prepared to 

sail under false colours. No merchantman was really 

safe without a convoy, and ships of war policed the seas, 

inciting one another to continual combat. Captured 

vessels were brought into port, their masts and rudders 

removed, their holds spiked up, and their goods taken. 2 

As the new year opened, matters were in a state of 

extreme tension, and on both sides public opinion was 

violently inflamed. The country came to that pitch of 

feeling when war is pronounced inevitable. Pamphlets, 

letters, and ballads, did their best to keep ill feeling 

alive. The Amboyna massacre was raked up again in 

all its details, and its appeals to passion and revenge. 

The Dutch were pictured as a false, subtle people 

lurking for advantages. Their government, under the 

title of their High Highnesses or the " Hogen Mogen," 

lent a jingle for ridicule. They were nicknamed 

Butter-boxes, or spoken of as Water-rats, who would 

not drown so soon, and thus their punishment would 

last the longer. One sailor promised a friend the first 

Dutchman's ears for an umbrella ; for if their thickness 

would not secure him from the sun, he knew not what 

would. Compliment was not confined to us. The 

pictures and poems in Holland were numerous and 

virulent. The Dutch called our seamen " English 

dogs," and that was brought up against them. Reports 

of the Dutch barbarities in Guinea were coloured and 

circulated. There were tales of Dutch spies, to " see 

where men may be landed, do mischief enough, and go 

away scot free." Their regiments were to land in 

Scotland, where malcontents were ready to join 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom.y December 16, 1664, and February 22, 1665. 

2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 271 : Coventry to Sandwich. He adds as postscript 
that the reprisals were an answer to De Ruyter's Guinea voyage, which was 
contrary to treaty, and to the stopping a ship of masts from Sweden. 

VOL. I. 1 8 


them. 1 The alarms of the English were not ill 
founded, for there was great activity among the exiles 
abroad. 2 Aggressive dissent hoped much from the 
Dutch War. For the Crown an unfavourable issue 
would have been disastrous; dynasty and commerce 
alike depended upon our fleet. 3 

During the whole of this threatening time Sandwich 
was on board his flagship. He held on for the 
" winter's guard " as few other men would have done. 
It is infinitely to his credit that he did not leave the 
command to his Vice-Admiral, as did James and 
Rupert. He was several weeks in St. Helen's Road 
and off the Isle of Wight, until news came that the 
enemy threatened to make sport among our colliers. 4 
On January 22 he moved his squadron of sixteen 
ships to the Downs, and anchored there on the 27th. 
He expected a brush with the enemy, for he was told 
by a Frenchman that several Dutch vessels were to go 
into the Downs, " to attaque what they found there." 6 
But he waited in vain, and on February 8 the report 
that twenty sail of the enemy were off Flamborough 
brought a suggestion for Sandwich to try and intercept 
them at his discretion, by cruising between Yarmouth 
and Flushing. He had just changed his flagship, for 
the London was sent in for repairs, and he began this 
brief expedition on board the Revenge. The winter 
was at its worst : " showers of snow, uncertain 
weather, and extreme cold, the wind shuffling round 
the compass." It was impossible to get in touch with 
the enemy, and Sandwich heard on February 10 that 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., February 23, 27, March 3, 16, 22, 27, 1665. 

2 See Ludlow's Memoirs (edited by Firth), ii. 376. 

3 For this question, see the American Historical Review, July, 1909; The 
English Conspiracy and Dissent, by Wilbur C. Abbott. 

4 Carte MSS. y 75, f. 275. 

5 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 242. 6 Carte MSS., 75, f. 151. 


they were already in Flushing ; but he resolved to 
remain at sea, for on February 13 he was told that the 
Dutch, under Banckers, were out " upon some greate 
designe." Whatever that may have been, the weather 
put an end to it, there came a " storm of wind, some- 
times sleete and hayle, and a greate sea." 1 On 
the next day the Fairfax came with orders from 
Coventry. So bad was the tempest that she had been 
unobserved, and unable for two days to send her 
letters on board the flagship. Coventry had heard 
that the Dutch were in harbour, and suggested that 
Sandwich should return. 2 On the next day his 
squadron put back into the Downs. 

Within a few weeks these covert hostilities merged 
into a war, with all the panoply of formal declaration ; 
the sputter and sparkle of the crackers were followed 
by a set piece. The declaration was delayed in order 
that the pretexts might be published. Reports were 
drawn up of injuries and affronts, and summaries of 
the causes of war were circulated, tricked out with 
allusions and illustrations from the classics. 3 The 
Council had resolved to declare the enemy the 
aggressor. 4 All along the Dutch complained that they 
could not hear what plunged them into war, though 
the King said they had it from Downing again and 
again. On March 4 the formal declaration was made : 

" Two heralds in their coats of arms, with four 
mace bearers, nine trumpeters, and two troops of 
horse assembled at Westminster, where the trumpet 
sounded, and the declaration was read with great 
shouting and rejoicing of the people. Thence they 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vol. i., f. 247. 

2 Carte MSS., 75, ff. 155, 159. 

3 An excellent specimen is in Carte MSS., 72, f. 712. 

* Carte MSS., 34, f. 56. See also 81, f. 250, and Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 
32,094, f. 17, etc. : Considerations in Order to a Dutch War ; an Account of the 
Commons' Debate thereon, etc. 


went to Temple Bar, where the Lord Mayor and 
Aldermen, in scarlet gowns on horseback, conducted 
them to Temple Gate, over against Chancery Lane, 
where it was read with more acclamation than before, 
the Horse Guards drawing their swords and clattering 
them : then again in Cheapside and before the Royal 
Exchange, with great demonstration of joy and sound- 
ing of trumpets ; after which many nobles of the Court 
came into the City, to dine with the Lord Mayor." 1 

When war was actually declared, the fleet was far 
from ready. Corruption in the higher offices, idleness 
and dishonesty in the lower ranks, were coupled with 
extraordinary financial disorder. The arrears were 
enormous, and tradesmen fought shy of giving further 
credit. The system of victualling was wellnigh hope- 
less, for the whole burden rested on a single man. 2 
Proper supervision was impossible ; when the stuff 
was got on board, " the parcel did not hold out as 
good as the sample," and great embezzlements were 
carried on under the name of perquisites. A drastic 
effort was needed, for at all costs the fleet must be 
ready in the spring. Amid much bustle and confusion, 
preparations were shaped. A few officials were com- 
mendably active ; and the King, in order to encourage 
the work, visited the ships at Portsmouth, despite the 
bad weather and the cold and unwholesome place. 
Stores were hastened on board, and the ketches, 
smacks, and hoys, hired for victualling, were allotted 
to their several ships ; the remainder were sent down 
to the Gunfleet, " that they may not hide themselves 
in holes whilst they eat the King's bread." 3 Rope- 
makers were kept at work " early and late by candle 
and lantern," but their cordage and cables were made 
of several sorts of hemp, and wore very ill in blowy 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., March 6, 1665. 

2 See J. R. Tanner, Calendar of the Pepysian MSS., vol. i., pp. 99, 152. 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom., February 11 and 18, March 8 and 23. 


weather. 1 There was a terrible shortage of clothes 
for the men, and precautions had to be taken against 
every kind of vermin. Hospital ships were needed, 
" well fitted with cradles and surgeons." There was 
" a great want of colours : they could not fight if they 
would, for want of a flag to make signals with, the 
only remedy being the red coats of the volunteers." 
No fire-booms were sent, so there was nothing avail- 
able to ward off the approach of fire-ships and keep 
them from the sides. To quicken the various supplies, 
Sandwich suggested that two longboats should always 
be stationed at Deal, to supply the fleet with water, 
ballast, and other necessaries. 2 

But Sandwich, who throughout this troublesome 
time was extremely active, found that the main diffi- 
culty lay in the want of men, and after months of 
work he complained that his ships were far short of 
their complement. When men were obtained, often in 
batches of one or two hundred, they were liable to be 
transferred to the Red or the White Squadron, and 
the search began again. 3 This was very hard upon 
Sandwich, for he had spent the winter at sea, and 
hoped for some recognition of his work. He pro- 
pounded a plan by which merchant seamen were 
drafted into the King's ships, and gave us men who 
were used to the water. 4 For at times the work of 
pressing was aggravated by a haul of unsuitable 
creatures millers and sawyers who had never seen 
a ship, half-grown lads who had to be discharged and 
sent ashore, old men whose days for fighting and 

1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 241 ; Rawlinson MSS., A 174, f. 74. 

2 CaL S. P., Dom,, March 6, April I, 6, and 9. 

3 Carte MSS,, 75, f. 130. 

4 Ibid,, 75, f. 241. Sandwich had lent his journal to Coventry. The 
volume contains the ordinances of the Commonwealth as to men, victuals, etc., 
and this idea of his was borrowed from the Commonwealth administration. 


sailing were long past. 1 Poor wretches were dragged 
even from the churches, and for safety's sake were 
cast into prison. 2 

Desertion was frequent, for the pay was scant and 
uncertain. When colliers gave as much as 9 a 
month, what chance had the King's service with 
an offer of 235. ? Sailors had a greater inclina- 
tion for private men-of-war, " in which they flatter 
themselves they shall get mountains of gold," 3 and 
they escaped from the fleet at nights, cutting the 
boats from the ships' stern. So troublesome were the 
desertions that a suggestion was made that, out of 
every ten deserters taken, one should be hanged by 
lot. Rumour declared that the men were instigated to 
mutinous conduct by " a person of quality," and that 
the Dutch had "15,000 expert fighting Englishmen 
on their side." 4 Though the report was exaggerated, 
only substantial inducements could stay the leakage. 
The Privy Council offered medals, and rewards for 
the capture of ships and ordnance. The men were 
allowed the pillage of all merchandise upon or above 
the gun-deck ; care was promised to the sick and 
wounded, and provision made for the widows. 6 The 
ballad-monger was brought in to cry up the arrange- 
ments : 

" The care and good provision for seamen that is made, 
Will make them fight for England's right and never be afraid ; 
They'l find far richer plunder than e're they did before ; 
Every day, in the fray, when the cannons loud do roar." 6 

But these stirring verses tempted few who had 
experienced the vagaries of the Exchequer ; the con- 

1 Cal S. P., Dom., April 5, 1665. 2 Carte MSS., 75, f. 279. 

3 Cal. S. P., Dam., May 5. 

4 Carte MSS., 34, flf. 62, 228 ; 75, f. 171. 

5 Cal. S. P., Dom., October 28, 1664. 

6 C. H. Firth, Naval Ballads (Navy Records Society). 

i66 5 ] SHIFTS HIS FLAG 279 

tinual cry of the captains was for more men. The 
merchants did all they could to prevent their sailors 
being secured, for the merchant service was dis- 
organized by impressments. For a time the seamen 
in colliers were exempted " on account of the im- 
portance of the coal trade, no seamen employed 
therein shall be pressed"; 1 but even the King's 
proclamation was overridden in times of need. 

In the face of such troubles and discouragements, it 
is a marvel that the fleet was ever got to sea. Certain 
men worked with a will. Coventry and Pepys were 
unwearied. To confer with them and take stock of the 
preparations, Sandwich paid a brief visit to London in 
March his second absence from his vessel for many 

" I did take coach and to my Lord Sandwich's and 
dined with my Lord," wrote Pepys, " it being the first 
time he hath dined at home since his coming from 
sea : and a pretty odd demand it was of my Lord 
to my Lady before me : ' How do you, sweetheart ? 
How have you done all this week ?' himself taking- 
notice of it to me that he had hardly seen her the 
week before." 

During the Admiral's sojourn in town a fearful 
disaster befell his old flagship, the London. She was 
blown up, and out of a crew of over three hundred 
only nineteen escaped. The wreck lay near the mouth 
of the Thames ; only the round-house was above 
water, and nothing except the guns could be got 
again. But the disaster did not actually change Sand- 
wich's plans, for it had been arranged that he should 
hoist his flag in the Prince. She was the largest ship 
of the fleet, mounting eighty-six guns, but she was 
notoriously unwieldy and a heavy sailer. My Lord's 

1 Cal S. P., Dom., April 26, 1665. 


daughters went with Mistress Pepys to inspect the 
vessel an unpleasant journey, owing to the fear and 
folly of the children. On March 23 Sandwich prepared 
to rejoin the fleet; but first, busy as he was, he received 
Pepys " with mighty kindness " and joy at his pro- 
motions. Then he left London, going by coach to 
Gravesend, and joined his ship at the Hope. On 
March 27 the Prince arrived at the Gunfleet Sand, off 
the coast of Essex; there lay the Duke of York and 
Prince Rupert with about fifty sail. Great hopes 
were astir ; it seemed at length as if the fleet might 
defy the enemy, and fear nothing but fire or sands. 


" The battle was hot, 

And bloudily fought, 
The fire was like rain, and like hail was the shot." 

Naval Ballads. 

There was, at the time the fleet assembled, some fear 
lest the Dutch should be out before them and seize 
the initiative ;* but they made no movement, and the 
period of waiting gave to the King and his advisers a 
breathing space, during which the plan of campaign 
could be considered. The days were passing in which 
naval warfare dissolved into a series of minor actions. 
All side-issues, raids, surprises, and operations against 
commerce, were regarded as means of gathering the 
fruits of victory. It was realized that the result of 
naval war must depend on decisive fleet actions. The 
armed force of the enemy must be overthrown. Then, 
and only then, came such attacks as that of the Dutch 
in the Medway, or the English raid in the River Vlie. 2 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., April 5 : The Duke of York to the King. 
Admiral P. H. Colomb, Naval Warfare, pp. 24-44. 

i66 5 ] THE SRTATEGY 281 

Though the quarrel concerned commercial and 
colonial issues, world-wide in their extent, the armed 
forces remained massed in home waters; not all the 
plaints of harassed merchants diverted our fleets from 
the North Sea. The idea of concentration against the 
armed forces of the enemy had penetrated, and each 
navy sought to deliver an overwhelming blow upon 
the opponent's main fleet. To deliver this it was 
necessary to seek out the enemy better still to compel 
or to coax him into giving battle. Between the English 
and Dutch there was every chance that this idea should 
be evolved, on account of the geographical position of 
the combatants. 

The North Sea formed a natural theatre of opera- 
tions. The first Dutch War had shown the advantage 
of our geographical position in dealing with a power 
whose business lay in the same waters. 1 By a wise 
distribution of force we could keep the upper hand. 
With the exception of the Baltic trade, every stream 
of the sea-borne commerce of Holland passed near 
our shores. Rich cargoes of spices, sugar, silks, 
and precious stones, were exposed to our attack. 
We held the Straits of Dover, and dominated the 
passage round the Orkneys. Our fleet could be ranged 
astride the Dutch communications, suspend their trade, 
and condemn them to financial stagnation. They were 
held as in a vice, and our hold could not be broken, 
save by concentration of force. When war came, the 
Dutch gave thought only to a battle ; and this deter- 
mination on either side to fight to the end made our 
struggles some of the stoutest in the world's history. 

The advantage lay with us, since we possessed the 
keys to the North Sea gates, and could afford to 

1 For the present-day aspect of the problem, see The Strategical Features of 
the North Sea, P. A. Hislam (Naval Annual, 1907). 


await an engagement on our own terms. The majority 
of our merchantmen had no need to cross the arena of 
operations ; the Dutch, on the other hand, were forced 
out to fight in order to save their convoys. Their 
object was to wrest the control of communications 
from our hands. This needed a determined effort 
and a decisive battle ; until this came, their merchants 
were forbidden to stir out of port. We prepared to 
meet the attack. Coventry, when discussing our 
strategy, deplored our weakness in Guinea and the 
Straits, but felt that the main fleet would not bear 
detachments. In a private letter, he insisted upon a 
concentration of our strength in home waters the 
same point which Sandwich had emphasized a few 
months before. " Trade," he wrote, " without sufficient 
security for it by superiority at sea, would be the 
greatest mischief that could happen to the nation." 1 
He was alive to the importance of the first shock and 
the need of being prepared for it to the utmost ; if one 
battle were lost, he said, ten times the money spent to 
ensure victory would not bring us again to equal 
terms with the enemy. 

This concentration of force was made essential in 
the general instructions of the King to the Lord High 
Admiral. The great and powerful fleet was intended 
to "assert his right to the dominion of the Narrow 
Seas." No definite lines of strategy were laid down, 
but the Admiral and his council were free to use the 
means best adapted for the purpose, "either sailing 
to the North, into the Channel, or to the coast of 
Holland." And in conclusion the main business of 
the Admiral was emphasized, " to secure the mastery 
of the seas and safety of navigation, and for this object 

1 S. P., Dom., cxx., f. 68, May 5. 


to fight or not fight, as he thinks best." 1 The stra- 
tegical value of the instructions is perfectly clear ; the 
command of the sea was made of the first importance. 
Subject to this leading idea, the Duke was left with a 
free hand. But this very freedom alarmed Coventry. 
Instead of instructions, he would have had orders. 
He had grasped the necessity for concentration of 
effort, the need for a decisive blow. He feared that 
the nation would read the letter otherwise, and look 
to the fleet to defend small and scattered interests, 
and fritter away time in the protection of commerce. 
The instructions given to the Duke, he wrote, 

" do not lead him to do anything now, nor justify him 
hereafter in case of bad success. There shall not be 
a merchant ship lost to the Westward whilst the fleet 
is to the Northward, but it shall be said his Royal 
Highness carried away the fleet without order, and 
the losse of the merchants laid upon that." 2 

Coventry showed rare insight into that narrow 
feeling and local panic which is the enemy of pure 
strategy. He saw the vital importance of concentra- 
tion. By control of the North Sea trade routes we 
could compel the Dutch to come out and to give us 
battle; and this, though hotly debated, was never 
forgotten during the discussions of the council of 
war. 3 

So far little has been said of Sandwich. He was 
throughout of the same opinion as Coventry, and 
numbers of letters passed between them. Sand- 
wich was, indeed, so strong upon the point that he 
was afterwards compelled to defend his attitude. It 
was on these grounds that he opposed a detachment 

1 S. P., Dom., cxv., f. 76, March 22, 1665. 

2 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS., 32,094, f. 46 : Coventry to Falmouth, April I, 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom., April 5, 1665. 


being sent to Guinea. The Dutch, he wrote, could 
not stir without passing through the Channel, where 
we could stop them before they took the ocean. 1 His 
journal clearly reveals his views as to the conduct of 
the campaign. Most of the discussions took place at 
sea, and Sandwich has faithfully set down a report 
of the councils. From the time he went on board 
the Prince, he wrote an account of the proceedings, 
and he has left full details both of the discussions on 
strategy and of the courts-martial. 

Apparently both the council of war and the court- 
martial consisted of the same members, and the juris- 
diction of the council extended to matters of life and 
death, mutiny, dissensions, and the like. 2 The members 
were the nine flag-officers that is to say, the Admiral, 
Vice-Admiral and Rear-Admiral of each squadron, 
with the addition of the Duke of Monmouth, who was 
always present, and the Earl of Marlborough, " because 
captain of a ship by commission." 3 The presence of 
these two roused the jealousy of Buckingham. He 
was a volunteer in the fleet, but his position as a 
Privy Councillor led him to expect a call to the 
discussions. In addition, he no doubt knew that the 
King's instructions gave James permission to summon 
whom he thought fit. 4 He felt himself "not in the 
esteem a great man should be," and his captious 
behaviour earned him a name as the worst type of 
volunteer. The Duke protested against his demands, 
and Buckingham set out for London to learn the 
King's pleasure. Evidently Charles was not short of 
a ready answer, for Buckingham's name does not 

*S. P., Dom. : Charles //., ci., f. 68. It was at first intended to send a 
squadron to oppose De Ruyter {Carte MSS., 75, ff. 130, 212, 234). 
' 2 Tanner, Pepysian MSS., i. 184. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 252. 

4 S. P., Dom. : Charles II. , cxv., f. 76. 

i66 5 ] THE COUNCILS 285 

appear among those present at the councils. He 
merely showed his resentment by a change of ship, 
and foisted himself upon Sandwich in the Prince^ 

The councils were held despite his absence. 
Those concerning strategy were of greater interest 
than the courts-martial, but the business of one of 
the latter is worth relating. On April 6 Lieutenant 
Mansell was summoned before the court. He had 
taunted his captain, Hannam of the Rainbow, with 
having been a rebel who had served under Cromwell's 
commission. The case was troublesome and delicate, 
for " any recounting of former differences and partyes " 
would have involved about half the fleet. The Duke 
said " that all of the Commanders were equally esteemed 
good subjects and officers, and he doubted not but 
that they would soe approuve themselves in all occa- 
sions, and he would severely reprehend any expres- 
sions of past divisions." A tactful enough speech, 
and the case ended in Mansell's being " cashiered from 
his employment in the Fleete." 2 

Councils on the strategy to be adopted were fre- 
quent, but the first important debate which Sandwich 
records was that held on April 17, while the fleet was 
still off the coast of Essex. A report came from 
Charles that a rich convoy of Dutchmen was off the 
West Coast of Ireland, and heading north. "The 
King is desirous the fleete should sayle and endeavour 
to attrapp these as they come about the North of 
Scotland." Lawson, the old Commonwealth seaman, 
objected to the idea of our going far afield ; for, he 
said, within six weeks shortage of water would force 
us back, and thus the Dutch "would have a faire 
opportunity to come out and guard home their trade." 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., April n and 20, May 10 and 15. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 251. 


He thought that if we exhausted .the provisions by 
cruising the enemy might attack; his advice was, 
" Keepe our owne fleete together, fully supplied and 
fresh, free from all injuries that saylinge and keepinge 
the sea ordinarily procures, untill wee heare that the 
Dutch are out, and then goe to them." 1 Sandwich, 
however, regarded it as possible that inaction might 
be looked upon as cowardice ; he advised the Duke's 
sailing to the enemy's coast, "with all convenient 
speed ; it beinge of reputation both at Home and 
abroad." He also pointed out that "wee might 
attrapp any of their shipps that might be cominge 
Home by the backe of Scotland ; the Dutch also might 
be provoked to come to sea quickly, which was the 
most desirable Thinge wee could have." He did not 
suggest an attack, but an attempt to coax the enemy 
to battle while men were enthusiastic and provisions 
were fresh, and he advised a return for water before 
the supply was too near expended. His plan was 
"generally liked." Rupert added the suggestion that 
watch should be kept on the two sections of the Dutch 
fleet, one in the Texel, and one in the Vlie, " soe wee 
should prevent their Conjunction, and as wee had 
notice of the Sallienge of either of them wee might 
attaque them separately." But as the Dutch were 
scarce likely to oblige us, it was decided to consider 
this when once we had sailed.s 

On April 20 preparations for a move were made, 
despite the many defects of stores ; the fleet "setting 
forth in the state it is," wrote Coventry, " would have 
been avoided if advertisements had been seasonably 
hearkened to." 3 The advice of Sandwich had been 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal^ vol. i., f. 256. 

2 Ibid., vol. i., ff. 257, 258. " The Texel " was used by seamen to indicate 
the Channel between Texel island and the mainland. 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom., April 20. 

i66 5 ] THE LINE ARRANGED 287 

taken, " to try if the Dutch will come out and venture 
a battle, which is much desired whilst the men are in 
good health." The final instructions were given. In 
case of a storm the rendezvous were Bridlington 
Bay in a southerly wind, Southwold in a northerly. 
The captains were exhorted to behave themselves 
gallantly in fight, to give proper berth when under 
sail or riding at anchor, "and some other usefull 
advises of care of the Shipps masts and Tackle." 1 

A reform of great importance may be dated here, for 
during this cruise the order of sailing was also the 
order of battle, and an engagement did not call for any 
new formation. 2 For this Sandwich was no doubt 
largely responsible. He had tried the experiment of a 
definite position for each ship during his earlier cruise, 
and had framed instructions for forming line abreast 
and line ahead. 3 The plan of the line drawn up in his 
journal looks like an original rather than a copy. 4 
Further still, the organization adopted tallies with that 
given in his earlier instructions. Each squadron was 
divided into three groups those of the Admiral, his 
Vice and Rear Admiral ; and each group was made 
up of a judicious mixture of ships first, second and 
third rates, with their attendant fire-ships. 5 

Thus organized, the fleet weighed anchor, and on 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 268. 

2 Cf. Nelson's Memorandum, October 9, 1805. That this battle order was 
arranged at sea is shown by a letter of the Duke of York to the King, when 
he sends the King the order of battle (S. P., Dom. : Charles II. , cxviii., f. 97, 
April 20). 

3 Hist. MSS. Comm. : Somerset MSS., Report XV., part vii., p. 100. 

4 See J. S. Corbett, Fighting Instructions, p. 112. Mr. Corbett antici- 
pated this document, " which has not come down to us," he says, " but 
which no doubt gave every ship her station in the line, like those which 
Sandwich had prepared for his squadron a few months earlier." So far no 
such other list has come to light. 

5 Appendix B. The division into three groups was probably used in the first 
Dutch War, and Sandwich may have discussed the formation with Blake. 


April 21 sailed for the coast of Holland. 1 They made 
a brave show. " I only wish the King could see them," 
wrote an admirer. 2 For a few hours the weather was 
calm and foggy, and a short stay was made off Orford 
Ness. On the next day there sprang up a fresh south- 
westerly gale. "Wee lay and drove all the night," 
wrote Sandwich. " Sunday, 23 : Wee made sayle 
again and our scouts tooke a Dutch fisherman or two 
who told us wee were neere the land off Egmont 
about 6 leagues." 3 The position close to the Texel 
called for a council of war. James "put abroad the 
standard," and all the flag-officers went on board the 
Royal Charles. 

The discussion which took place was of great 
strategical interest, and revolved round three points. 
First, the enemy's fleet was then anchored partly in 
the Texel and partly in the Vlie, and there was some 
idea that the conjunction of the two portions might be 
prevented. Secondly, De Ruyter was expected back 
immediately from his famous cruise, during which he 
had taken his revenge in Africa, and done us consider- 
able damage both in the West Indies and Newfound- 
land. 4 With him came numerous merchantmen. To 
capture these and to hinder an increase of the Dutch 
strength was a matter for consideration. Thirdly, the 
best means to provoke the Dutch to an engagement 
came up for debate. 

There were many objections to the attack upon the 
two sections of the Dutch fleet. Among the shoals and 
deltas of Zeeland, the shallower draught of the Dutch 
ships gave them an advantage in any sudden movement 
so near the shore ; the position which the English 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 268. 

2 Cal. S. P., Dom., April 22. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 268. 

* Corbett, England in the Mediterranean, ii. 56. 

i66 5 ] OFF THE TEXEL 289 

must needs take up left the channels unguarded, and 
would have facilitated the entrance of De Ruyter and 
the merchantmen, while to attack each section separ- 
ately was equally useless, for a divided attack was not 
only fraught with danger, but would not have brought 
about a general action. The council thereupon 
decided to adopt the alternative of endeavouring to 
intercept De Ruyter, as the only means of provoking 
a general action in the open sea. " We thought the 
hinderinge their trade to come home," says Sandwich, 
" the best provocation to make the enemye's Fleet come 
out." For after all, the idea of an attack in the 
channels was a mere sudden suggestion which arose 
from the distribution of the Dutch fleet, and was not a 
plan which carried certainty ; whereas our real object 
was to tempt the enemy to an engagement, or to force 
one upon them, and that, not near the shore, but well 
out to sea. 

In order to compass " this most hopeful design," a 
station for our vessels was fixed, ten to twelve leagues 
north-west by north of the Texel. 

" It was discoursed whether the Fleet should keep 
under sayle or come to an ancor, but concluded to ride 
at an ancor, because it would make the station of the 
Fleet more certaine to all our scouts and those that 
from England should seeke us; free us from the 
danger of loss of masts or bolt-spritts by runninge 
foule one of another, and prevent our separation ; all 
which inconveniences were likely to follow our keeping 
under sayle." 1 

A proper disposition of the squadrons was also made ; 
the Red anchored nearest the Texel, the Blue and the 
White were each a league away from the Duke's 
squadron. The scouting was carefully arranged ; each 
squadron sent out four frigates, some to watch the 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal^ vol. i., f. 270. 


approaches to the harbours, others to bring advice 
from the north. Every twenty-four hours the frigates 
returned to the fleet, which was anchored upon the 
Broad Fourteens. 1 

This fine strategical position was not maintained for 
long. Restlessness seized some of the members of the 
council. On April 25 the flag-officers met again, to 
debate whether the fleet should weigh, and stand in 
till they had sight of the Dutch shore. The private 
reason for this move was alleged to be the King's 
desire, for Charles thought that De Ruyter might 
steal home ; the public reason was that a bold front 
would paralyze the preparations of De Witt. The 
Duke of York, Lawson, and Penn, advocated the plan, 
but Sandwich tacitly opposed it. " I submit to better 
judgements," he wrote, " but would not of my own 
choice have done it." Reason was on his side. He 
felt that the fleet in its present position was near 
enough to provoke the Dutch, for vessels passed daily, 
and carried news of their presence ; also that, while a 
move might deter the Dutch preparations and create a 
panic in Holland, it deferred at the same time the 
desired engagement. But his most powerful objection 
was the danger of our ships, deep of draught, being 
overtaken by sudden storm upon a low and treacher- 
ous coast. And once close in, our movements would 
be sadly hampered, while De Ruyter could easily give 
us the slip. He thought that to anchor near the shore 
would be unpardonable, though he admitted that a 
look into the Texel, and then another stretch out into 
the open sea, might be allowed. 2 

He kept his reasons and reflections for his journal, 
and did not push them at the council. The " look at 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. L, f. 271. 

2 Ibid., vol. i., f. 272. 


the Texel " was decided upon, but for two days a thick 
fog delayed the adventure. On April 28 the fleet 
weighed, and stood in for the shore. " About noone," 
wrote Sandwich, " wee made the Texel, and the 
Hollands Fleet within at an ancor : with my glasse I 
could make two Admiralls and two Vice Admiralls and 
abundance of shipps masts that rode further within." 
For two more days our vessels sailed within sight 
of the coast or manoeuvred northwards, and then 
another council of war was held. A proposal to 
prevent the junction of the two portions of the Dutch 
fleet was again considered and rejected. Even had it 
been possible, Sandwich regarded it as inadvisable 

"because it would certainely hinder theire cominge 
out to engage us which is the chiefe thinge to be 
wished for, scince wee are superior to them in force 
and stronger now then wee are like to be hereafter, 
and shall shortly be necessitated to goe off theire 
Coast to recruit water and beare, and then they will 
have opportunitye to joyne without disturbance. l 

A second proposition was one that came from 
Downing at the Hague an attempt on the Dutch 
fleet as they rode in the Texel. The idea was thought 
worth a moment's consideration by Rupert and Sand- 
wich, for there was the glory of Drake's attack upon 
Cadiz to give them encouragement. But the condi- 
tions were different ; the narrow channels of the Texel 
made an attack extremely hazardous. " Both the 
enterprise," wrote Sandwich, "and the circumstance 
of the Duke's person commandinge the Fleete make 
it of very greate weight to determine."* 

During subsequent movements, as the fleet plied 
backwards and forwards along the coast, the plan was 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 275. 

2 Ibid., vol. i., f. 275. See also S. P., Dom. : Charles II. , cxxv., f. 59. 
It was discussed whether our fleet had kept too far away from the Texel. 


considered. On May 5 the flag-officers met and re- 
jected the exploit, for both the channels of the Texel 
were so narrow and shallow as to make it too 
hazardous. Only our fourth-rates could have got in, 
and then but singly, to have made a meal for the 
enemy ; on these grounds " it was thought very un- 
advisable to make any such attempt." And as any 
considerable number of Dutch merchantmen was not 
likely to come home, a small squadron of fourth and 
fifth rates was detached to look round for prizes, and 
then return to the main fleet. A few ships of the 
enemy were taken, and some of our stores were seized 
by the Dutch. Meanwhile it was decided that the fleet 
should return home. The supply of water and victuals 
would only hold out for three weeks, and the stores at 
Harwich were estimated sufficient for as many months. 
Once restocked, the ships were ready for battle, or for 
the return of the East Indiamen, the Smyrna fleet, and 
De Ruyter. Above all, wrote Sandwich to Charles, 
the Dutch might think we go home of necessity, and 
then take the sea, hoping to catch us unprepared ; 
" than which (I humbly believe) nothing is more for 
your Majesty's advantage." 1 

No sooner was a move suggested than storm upset 
the plans. Many cables parted, and the ships lost 
company. On May 10 it was debated whether the 
resolution to sail for England should be kept, or 
whether the main fleet should continue to ride off the 
Texel. The decision to sail was made, though Sand- 
wich " was for ridinge still at an ancor untill wee had 
a leadinge gale of wind Homeward." He thought the 
stragglers could find the fleet, and objected to a start 
against contrary winds ; for if the wind overblew, there 
was danger of collision and hazard to the cables. He 

1 Carte MSS., 223, f. 268. 

i66 5 ] RETURN TO ENGLAND 293 

also thought it possible that the Dutch might come 
out, in the hope that the storm had prejudiced our 
ships, and they might have attempted to pick up 
stragglers or small squadrons. 

" In which regard I thought wee might have waited 
four or five days for a large wind that could bringe 
them out, and then have weighed ourselves and stood 
alonge our course, halinge within five or six leagues 
of the Dutch coast, that soe wee might have mett with 
any of theire shipps if they were abroad." 1 

But this " single opinion " was overridden, and the 
fleet again set sail. On May 13 the Dogger Bank was 
reached, and two days later the vessels anchored off 
the Gunfleet. 

For the next fortnight the business of victualling 
was relieved by intervals of merrymaking. Many of 
the volunteers Buckingham, Falmouth, and the like 
left the fleet ; but they who remained were sufficient 
to entertain throngs of women. Night and day were 
made merry by the sailors' wives and sweethearts; 
some, indeed, evaded the vigilance of the officers, and 
remained on board. Countess, courtesan, and country 
wench, jostled one another both in cabin and fore- 

" Spreading our sails to Harwich we resort, 
And meet the beauties of the British Court . . . 
Charm'd with the graces of a troop so fair, 
Those deathless powers for us themselves declare, 
Resolved the aid of Neptune's court to bring, 
And help the nation where such beauties spring. 
The soldier here his wasted store supplies, 
And takes new valour from the ladies' eyes." 2 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 282. The statement that Sandwich 
took several Dutch ships (Cal. S. P., Dom., May 8) is dated wrongly, and 
belongs to September 8. 

2 Denham, Instnictions to a Painter. But see the Directions to a Painter 
(Poems on Affairs of State, i. 24) : 

" See where the Dutchess with triumphant trail, 
Of numerous coaches, Harwich doth assail," etc. 


The Duchess of York came on board the Charles, 
and with her some of the most attractive Maids 
of Honour. Anne Temple was there, and Frances 
Jenyns, a lively lass of sixteen, who once dressed 
up like an orange -girl, and in the theatre cried 
" Oranges I" but she fell down among the crowd, and 
her fine shoes betrayed her. 1 Anne Temple fascinated 
Coventry ; he was much pleased with her looks, he 
said, and liked them better than did his wife. 2 Between 
these girls there was sport enough, and they passed 
from ship to ship for all manner of dinners and enter- 
tainments. Just before the war began one of our 
most famous sea-songs was penned ; for the Earl of 
Dorset wrote, " To all you Ladies now on Land," and 
mirrored for succeeding generations the gallantry of 
the sailor's life. Sandwich was not behindhand, but 
entertained the ladies right royally. They and their 
lovers dined on board the Prince, and enjoyed one of 
the Admiral's excellent dinners. 

Such delights as the seamen had were but interludes 
to much hard work. The clamour for stores was 
louder than ever, and Sandwich was hard put to it 
to provision his squadron. For days the wind was 
against the victualling boats, and so stiff was the 
breeze that the vessels broke from their anchors, and 
had to run into smoother water. Often it took them a 
whole day to beat back again to the fleet. Then, to 
add to this, some of the food was only fit to be flung 
overboard a serious matter to sailors, " who love 
their bellies above everything else." The provision 
of drink was most to be desired. " It is want of 
drink," wrote the Duke, "that has forced this great 
fleet back." 3 The blind and general discourse, "We 

1 Pepys's Diary ; Gramont's Memoirs. 2 Carte MS 'S., 34, f. 230. 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom., May 20. 


have a brave fleet, and we will be at them," became 
mere brag when water and beer were lacking. The 
drink was furnished at the last moment, for freshness' 
sake ; but it was tumbled on board in musty and leaky 
casks. Beer and water were the staple drinks, but in 
addition there was a drink known as " beverage wine," 
made of such a strength " as that it shall be able to 
preserve the water from stinking." 1 Sandwich was 
one who preferred pure water for his men. " Water 
alone," he wrote, "they will drinke but moderately 
and with more content, short allowance money being 
paid." 2 

The question of provisions was gradually settled, but 
the business of getting men was still urgent. The bad 
food caused sickness, and deprived the ships of their 
sailors. About eighty sail of colliers was a tempting 
sight, but they had "a proclamation of the Kings to 
secure their men," and were allowed to go on to 
London. 3 Yet a week later, Sandwich tells us, 
numbers of men were pressed from the colliers, 
" notwithstanding the proclamation prohibitinge itt, 
and indeed there was necessitye for it, wee expecting 
a battel dayly and wanting seamen much." 4 This 
preparation of men and material absorbed every- 
one's energy. Few incidents were recorded in the 
journal, but of these some importance was given to 
the court-martial on Captain Nixon, of the Elizabeth 
frigate. Returning from Tangier, the Eagle in com- 
pany, he had fallen in with two Dutch men-of-war, 

1 Pepysian MSS., vol. i., pp. 167, 177. 

2 Carte MSS., 74, f. 447. This is a memorandum by Sandwich upon the 
drink provided for seamen. 

3 Cal. S. P., Dom., April 26. 

4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 294. See also S. P., Dom.: 
Charles II. , cxxiii., f. 21. A note that the Duke picked 500 men out of 
a fleet of colliers is omitted in the calendar. 


and exchanged some broadsides. He then bore up 
for the Channel, the Dutch in pursuit, though the 
captain of the Eagle advised him to continue the 
fight. Nixon's excuse was " the evill councell of his 
shipp officers and bad weather that he could not 
carry out his lower tire, and suspicion that these two 
men of warr had more shipps neere to countenance 
theire boldnesse." 1 He had been ordered, too, to 
make for Plymouth. He acknowledged, however, the 
imputation of cowardice, and at the court-martial 
begged mercy from the Duke. 

The incident which followed was curious ; for, upon 
Nixon's appeal for leniency, James and Rupert left the 
court, as if to throw the burden of severity upon other 
shoulders, and Sandwich was compelled to preside. 
The law was read, 

" which says that whatsoever Captaine shall withdraw 
himselfe from a fight with the enemye, or not doe his 
best to destroy and take all Pirates and enimies, shall 
be punished with Death, or such other punishment as 
the Court Martiall shall thinke fitt." 

After the Duke had shown his displeasure, and said 
that the honour of the King and nation were wounded 
in this miscarriage, leniency seemed impossible, and, 
though some of the officers were for a mitigation of 
the sentence, Nixon was condemned to death. But 
his execution was prevented, first by a storm, then 
Sunday saved him, and the next day was the King's 
birthday. 2 The captain of the Eagle was acquitted. 

"Wee condemned alsoe a soldier to be hanged for 
speaking mutinous words reproaching the laws of 
warr," wrote Sandwich, " and saying if all the soldiers 
were of his mind they would feise the seamen over- 
board." 3 

1 Sandwich MS 'S. Journal, vol. i., f. 288. 2 Cal S. P., Dom., May 31. 
3 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. , f. 290. Fysan, to put to flight, hasten, 
impel. " Ac hefysdeforfrflan geneahte " He impelled the arrow forth. 

i66 5 ] THE ENEMY AT SEA 297 

At length time brought a distraction in which lesser 
matters were forgotten, and which paled all else, for 
news came that the Dutch were out. Their fleet was 
ready, the nation up in arms, and every peasant was 
collected on the coast, prepared to defend his home- 
stead in the event of a raid. 1 De Witt was their leader 
and example ; " Never man took more paines than he 
hath done about this fleet, as looking upon his all 
to be at stake therein, and he hath infinitely animated 
all their seamen." 2 A regiment of 6,000 marines was 
ready for sea. 3 The Dutch sadly needed victory, for 
trade in Holland was at a standstill, and the burden 
of war was costly. The insurance on wine-ships went 
to fifty per cent, and that on the Smyrna fleet to thirty. 
Though the burghers grumbled, they were ready for 
considerable sacrifices, and a shipbuilding programme 
was laid down. New men-of-war were designed, of a 
much greater breadth, with more timber, more iron, 
and with brass ordnance. 

" Either his Majesty must build proportionably to 
what they build," wrote Downing, " or how shall we 
be able to grapple with them ? They count by next 
spring to have the whole 48 great ships that they are 
now building all done and fit to go to sea." 4 

But though De Witt inspired the nation, he had to 
contend with various checks. The officers grumbled, 
saying that he took too much upon himself, making 
himself more than Admiral or General, and yet under- 
standing "nothing of neither." When he wished to 
consult Opdam, the Admiral " would not so much 
as stirre off from his bed to speake to him." 5 The 

1 Lefevre Pontalis, Johan de Witt, i. 326. 

2 S. P., For. : Holland, 176, f. 48 : Downing to Arlington. 

3 Carte MSS., 75, f. 228. 

4 S. P., For. : Holland, 176, f. 51 : Downing to Arlington. 
6 Ibid.: Holland, 176, f. 71. 


cleavage between civil and military authority hampered 
the Dutch plans, but at length the fleet received bene- 
diction. At the end of May the civil authorities saw 
the ships clear of the Texel, and exhorted all the 
captains, who said a cheerful " Amen." 1 Their orders 
were to seek out the English, " even to the mouth 
of the river Thames," and their instructions ran to 
" destroying the English at water or at land, wherever 
they can meet them." 2 

When news came that the Dutch were astir, our 
ships moved some ten miles outside Southwold Bay, 
clear of the sands and shoals, and there awaited an 
engagement. On May 30 a gentle gale blew from the 
north-east, and carried the ships towards Orford 
Ness ; then came a dense fog, which forced them to 
anchor. Next day the fog lifted, and the coast of 
Suffolk was again visible, where the towers of Aide- 
burgh, Dunwich, and Southwold, stood in graceful 
outline. Our position was three and a half leagues 
from the Ness, south by east. 

There the council of war reconsidered the order of 
battle. Sandwich had suggested that this should be 
altered, and the merchant ships, mostly fourth-rates, 
placed together in rear of the line, and in three 
squadrons or divisions. By this means, he argued, 
" the ships of force would have had their strength con- 
tracted into a lesser room, by neere a league " ; they 
would have been of a greater fighting value than when 
intermixed with merchant ships "stronger to make 
an impression on the enimye in any part, or to resist 
any combined force of the enimye attemptinge us." 3 

1 S. P., For. : Holland, 176, f. 78. 

2 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vol. i., ff. 259-263. These instructions, which 
should make a useful appendix to our own, have not so far been printed, 
in English. 

3 Ibid., vol. i., f. 293. 

i66 5 ] TACTICAL IDEAS 299 

The suggestion which Sandwich made is very 
remarkable, and strikes the true eighteenth-century 
note. He gives us not only the idea of ships of the 
line, but even the germ of the highly developed notion 
of concentration propounded nearly a century later by 
Bigot de Morogues. Instead of a long and unequal 
line, Sandwich suggested the elimination of all but 
those ships fitted to lie in the line ; for a line so 
constituted need not preserve such close order, nor 
need it lose in power. Its movements are more 
prompt, signalling is easier, and the formation more 
exact. In Morogues' opinion, big ships and big guns 
gave superior concentration, and, having fewer units, 
they secured superior mobility. 1 To repeat Sandwich's 
words, the big ships are " stronger to make an im- 
pression on the enimye in any part or to resist any 
combined force of the enimye attemptinge us." Further 
than this, Sandwich had another reason for his plan : 
he mistrusted the merchant seamen, and regarded the 
captains of the King's ships " more entire and resolved 
to aid one another than it is to be feared the others 
are." But his scheme was rejected ; though many of 
the council had been in favour of the plan, no one 
"was forward to speak, and soe agreed to continue 
our former order of battell." 2 

The old order was therefore retained in readiness 
for the engagement, which took place soon after 
this discussion. On June i the fleet was some two 
leagues from the Suffolk coast, and about noon the 
enemy was sighted. 

11 Prince Rupert's shipp from the topp-maste head 
discovered a Fleete of shipps in the offin, and presently 

1 J. S. Corbett, Signals and Instructions (1776-1794), introduction, 
part ii., pp. 8-12. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. , f. 294. 


loared and hoisted his Ancient to make us take 
notice, and then lookinge out wee all saw them about 
100 sayle, which wee judged to be the Dutch Fleet." 1 

The English then set sail and stood off to the south- 
ward, for the wind was north-east and favoured the 
Dutch. The decks were cleared, and preparations 
made for an engagement. On the next day the two 
fleets remained in sight of one another, lying some 
seven leagues from Southwold. About noon the 
wind shifted from the north-east to the south-east. 
This gave the Dutch the weather-gauge, but they did 
not bear up to the attack, and the superior manoeuvring 
of the English gradually told. 2 By evening we had 
attained the desired position, and with it the power 
to give or refuse battle. On Saturday, June 3, the 
manoeuvres terminated in the battle of Lowestoft. 

41 Never was seen a more proper day to dispute the 
Mastery of the Sea : for it was very smooth, a fine 
steady fresh gale at South West, not a cloud in the 
Sky, nor the least appearance of any alteration of 
wind or weather." 3 

On such a fair morning the fleets made a brave 
show, more picturesque than the grey hulks and 
scanty tackle of modern days. The palette and pencil 
of Van de Velde have left us glorious pictures of 
the engagement. 4 Ships of the line were sturdy and 
showy. 5 Their stems and sterns were embellished 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vol. i., f. 295. "Ancient" is the old term for 

2 ' ' The Dutch might have had the wind of us two days together : it pleased 
God yesterday to give it us " (Coventry to Albemarle, June 4). 

3 J. S. Clarke, Life of James //., vol. i., p. 410. According to Coventry's 
log, we were then fourteen leagues off Lowestoft (S. P., Dom., cxxiii., f. 91). 

4 Most of his pencil drawings are in the British Museum, and there is a 
drawing of the engagement in the United Services Institution. 

5 There is a fine picture of a seventeenth -century warship in E. K. Chatter- 
ton's Sailing Ships (Sidgwick, 1909). 

i66 5 ] THE BATTLE ORDER 301 

with carvings worthy of the stalls of a cathedral ; 
great gilded lanterns were on the poop lanterns 
large enough to hold ten men. The flags were made 
of silk, and embroidered in gold. During action each 
vessel had her sails spread and yards gay with bunting. 
Round about her bulwarks went great scarlet waist- 
cloths, " as well for the countenance and grace of 
the ship as to cover the men from being seene." 
Before the battle, defiant display invited the enemy to 
combat ; the flags were flaunted like the little banners 
at a bullfight. But the two fleets needed no incitement 
to combat; they were ready for an engagement, and 
evenly matched. 1 

The battle order of the English squadrons was the 
Red as centre, under James ; the White, under Prince 
Rupert, in the van ; and the Earl of Sandwich's Blue 
was the rear squadron. By the side of the com- 
manders were captains of considerable experience. 
James had with him Sir William Penn, as Captain of 
the Fleet, and John Harman. Their ship was the 
Royal Charles, a first-rate of seventy-eight guns. The 
Vice- Admiral of the Red was Sir J. Lawson, in the 
Royal Oak, and the Rear-Admiral Sir William Berke- 
ley, in the Swiftsure. Rupert's flagship was the Royal 
James, Captain John Kempthorne; the Vice-Admiral 
of the squadron was Christopher Myngs, in the 
Triumph, and Rear-Admiral Robert Sansum was in 
the Resolution. Sandwich sailed in the Prince Captain 
Roger Cuttance. He had with him Sir G. Ayscue in 
the Henry, as Vice-Admiral, and Thomas Teddiman 
in the Royal Catharine, as Rear-Admiral. The Dutch 
fleet was divided into no less than seven squadrons, 

1 The English had 109 men-of-war and 28 fire-ships and ketches. They 
mounted 4,192 guns and contained 21,006 men. The Dutch put to sea with 
103 men-of-war and 30 smaller vessels, yachts, and fire-ships. They mounted 
4,869 guns and carried 21,556 officers and men. 


with Opdam in the Eendracht as Commander- in - 

In the early morning of June 3, between three and 
four o'clock, the fight began. The wind was south- 
south-west, but later it shifted a point to south-west by 
south. The English moved to the attack, sailing south- 
east ; Rupert was in the van, the Duke had the centre, 
and Sandwich the rear. The enemy brusquely tacked 
upon them, " stemming westward, for both fleets past 
their broadsides as they crossed by one the other." l 
Not one of either side was out of play at this first 
encounter. The calm sea gave a chance for good 
shooting, but no great harm was done, for the fleets 
were far apart. They crossed, on opposite tacks, like 
two gigantic serpents meeting and passing, and in 
sinuous fashion curved round again in order to repass. 
Each line extended in length about fifteen or twenty 
miles. 2 But, despite the excellence of our seamanship, 
the line soon lost perfection ; certain of our ships 
" luffed up to windward," and were then in rank some 
three or four deep, with greater hazard to friend than 
foe. Even then, in the first onset, only a single dis- 
aster happened, when the Charity, a small merchant- 
man, fell into the enemy's fleet, and was sent instantly 
to Holland as a prize. 

The accounts of the second stage of the battle vary 
somewhat. Both fleets had to tack, and it was not 
until seven o'clock that the ships were again at close 
quarters. Rupert, "his sayle and hull very much 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. , p. 296. Mr. Corbett suggests that the 
English forced the Dutch to bear up and steer north-west, and then we kept 
the weather-gauge. 

2 Hoste, DArt des Armies Navales, gives five leagues as the approximate 
length of the lines. When Sandwich suggested throwing out the twenty-four 
merchantmen, he speaks of them as lessening the length of the line by near a 
league. This gives eight ships to the mile that is, just over 200 yards 
between each vessel. 


torne," was still in the van, and engaged Opdam, who 
had tacked, with his head towards the south-east. The 
Dutch were thus sailing in the direction of their own 
coast, and, if they could have held on, would have 
passed ahead of the English, and got to windward. 

"His Royal Highness," writes Sandwich, "suspecting 
the enemy would weather our fleet if we stood on and 
tacked in our proper berths to make good the line . . . 
tacked after the enemy, and commanded me to tack, 
which I did instantly, though in a great crowd of 
ships." 1 

The manoeuvre was successful, but altered the posi- 
tions of the line, so that the Duke's squadron became the 
van, Sandwich had the centre, and Rupert the rear. 
Owing to this sudden change of tactics, the original 
formation of the squadrons was gradually lost, and the 
action began to bear the character of a melee. The 
enemy had designed to break through, and passed very 
near, so near the Prince, indeed, that they wounded 
Sandwich and several of his men with their musket 
shots, and " sorely paid " his fire-ship. Once the 
enemy had passed, the English tacked, Lawson lead- 
ing with some of the Red Squadron, while James 
endeavoured again to run ahead ; the Blue followed 
him, and Rupert's remained the rear squadron. 

This constant change of positions consumed several 
hours, but at length the combatants were once more 
side by side. It was about midday, and the action 
went on under a broiling sun. The continual booming 
of the cannon was heard on shore ; " all this day by all 
people upon the River, and almost everywhere else 
hereabouts were heard the guns," writes Pepys. The 
two fleets, says Sandwich, lay with their heads south- 
east, " sometimes at great distance, and sometimes fair 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. , f. 297. 


by." About two in the afternoon, Opdam's flagship, the 
Eendracht, the Oranje, and three or four more great 
ships, plied the Prince very hotly ; but James "stretched 
it out ahead " of the Blue flagship, and began a furious 
engagement with Opdam at close quarters. 

This enabled Sandwich to execute the decisive 
movement which turned the fortunes of the day. He 
let fall his mainsail, and putting abroad his blue 
flag on the mizzen, "a signe for my ^squadron to 
follow," he broke through the Dutch and divided their 
fleet. 1 Some of the ships gave way ; others ran foul of 
one another, and became entangled. Into these the 
Prince poured her broadside, "and left them to the 
mercy of the part of our fleet that followed." The 
movement was most effective : the enemy became dis- 
ordered and disheartened, and amid their confusion a 
fire-ship was sent among them, completing the destruc- 
tion; of upwards of 1,000 men but one tenth were 
saved, and that by the English boats. 

While Sandwich and his squadron broke through the 
enemy, James entertained Opdam. So hot was the 
action that some writers say the Royal Charles was 
actually boarded. A chain shot killed three of the 
Duke's volunteers ; " they were so near his Grace 
that he was sprinkled with their blood and brains." 2 
In the very thick of the fight, without any warning, 
Opdam's ship was blown up, and only five men escaped 
death. Some say that the explosion was the result of 
treachery. The Oranje meanwhile endeavoured to 
board the Duke's flagship, but the Mary attacked her, 
and was reinforced by two ships from the Blue 
Squadron, the Royal Catharine and the Essex. The 

1 Fighting Instructions of 1665, article 7 partly to get his own to 
" reform line as convenient upon the flagship." 

2 Lediard, T., Naval History, p. 577. 

i66 5 ] THE ENEMY'S FLIGHT 305 

vessels were grappled and locked together ; the fight- 
ing at close quarters was furious ; man after man was 
cut down, or his brains were blown out by pistols 
held only a few feet away ; faces were blackened by 
powder, and bloodshot eyes glared with animal fierce- 
ness. As the boarders endeavoured to get a foot- 
hold, they were pushed back into the sea. After an 
hour's desperate struggle the Oranje was compelled to 
yield, her men were taken prisoners, and she was set 
on fire. 
By this time the afternoon was far spent. 

" The whole Dutch fleet," writes Lediard, " seemed 
to be but one blaze ; and the cries of so many miserable 
wretches, who were perishing either by fire or water, 
was more frightful than the noise of the cannon. The 
English gave their vanquished enemy all the assistance 
they could, while with continued fury they assailed the 
rest. The Dutch Vice-Admiral Stillingwerf was shot 
by a cannon-ball through the middle, and their Vice- 
Admiral Cortenaar received a shot in his thigh, of 
which he immediately died." 1 

The sun was now obscured by smoke, the sea strewn 
with wreckage and floating bodies. So great was the 
confusion and destruction that order was imperceptible, 
regular broadsides had ceased, and the Dutch fire 
slackened. When Sandwich broke through the enemy 
and lay on the east side of the melee, Rupert bore up 
on the Dutch, and contained them on the west. The 
Duke and his squadron being still southwards, the 
Dutch were hemmed in by a semicircle of hostile 
vessels. As the wind blew from the south-west, they 
made sail, cut off their boats, and took to flight. 
Sandwich on one side, still to the east, and Rupert on 
the other, hampered their escape. Three Dutch ships, 
the Maarseven, Tergoes, and Swanenburg, endeavoured 

1 Lediard, T., Naval History, p. 578. 
VOL. I. 20 


to intercept Sandwich and to cover the retreat ; but 
Sandwich bore up on them, and after a sharp dispute 
forced one of them sheer aboard her two consorts, 
" and beinge fast together and well paid, they struck 
their colours . . . and gave over shooting." 1 He 
then left them to the ships in the rear, "who might 
have preserved and secured them, but one Gregory in 
a fireship went and set fire to them," and they were all 
destroyed. The chase was vigorously continued, until 
the Prince had her main topsail shot to pieces and was 
compelled to slow down. 

The evening saw the enemy fairly routed ; all order 
of squadrons was long since lost. The Dutch fleet, 
on which such hopes of victory were built, was sadly 
crippled. Many of their vessels were sunk or burnt, 
and several were captured. They lost 4,000 men, 
and half that number were taken prisoners. Their 
Commander-in-Chief was dead ; Evertzen was head- 
ing for the Maas, and Tromp for the Texel. The 
bad news preceded them. About four in the after- 
noon a terrific explosion shook every house in the 
Hague, and flung the windows wide open. 2 A sense 
of disaster touched the people. The folk who had 
waited on the beach watching, listening, gossiping 
were joined by terrified crowds. At length a small 
boat was seen, sailing swiftly towards the shore. 
There was no cheer from the vessel, no sign of 
victory. Almost before the craft could touch the land, 
it was surrounded by an anxious mob, panting with 
curiosity. A messenger stepped ashore, and handed 
a paper to the nearest official. The man read a 
message of five or six lines, and clapped the paper 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. , f. 300. 

2 The explosion would be that of Opdam's flagship, which took place about 
three o'clock, according to English time. 

i66 5 ] THE PURSUIT 307 

into his pocket. Soon the bad news leaked out so bad 
that it could not be believed. The crowd became at 
once dejected and dangerous. The English Resident 
barricaded his house, for fear of an attack, 1 but the 
Dutch reserved their resentment for their own sailors. 
All along the coast, as fugitive after fugitive came in, 
the ships were met by hostile crowds of men and 
women. Admiral or captain, if the breath of sus- 
picion touched him, if cowardice were even whispered, 
rank could not save him. Evertzen was thrown into 
a canal, and would have been stoned to death but 
for some friendly soldiers. 2 The enraged mob had 
not counted upon flight, and for several hours they 
were forced to see their ships driven before the 

But the accident to the Prince checked the chase ; 
she slackened speed and enabled the Duke to come 
up with the pursuers. He took over the command, 
while Rupert and Sandwich fell astern. The course 
was slightly changed : the fleet sailed more to the 
eastward, in order to cut off the enemy from the 
shore, and to foil them in their attempt to gain the 

It was then about nine o'clock, and the still June 
night settled down. Lanterns were lit, the Norwich 
was told off to keep in touch with the enemy, and guns 
and signals were prepared. 3 Daylight was not far 
away; it seemed that the quarry was well within 
our grasp ; but during the few hours of darkness a 
courtier robbed us of the spoils of victory. The Duke 
and Penn retired, and Harman had charge of the 
Charles. To him came Brouncker, a Groom of the 

1 S. P., For. : Holland, 176, f. 114 : Downing to Arlington. 

2 Lefevre Pontalis, Johan de Witt, i. 332. 

3 J. S. Clarke, Life of James //., vol. i., p. 415. 


Bedchamber, who protested against any risk to the 
Duke's person. He pictured to Harman the conse- 
quence of any mishap to the heir-presumptive, and 
begged him to shorten sail. Harman replied that he 
could not stay the ship without orders. Thereupon 
Brouncker went craftily between decks, as if to the 
Duke's cabin, and returned with a pretended order to 
reduce the speed. Captain Harman obeyed. The 
Royal Charles slowed down, and the rest of the ships 
copied the commander. 1 When day broke the pursuit 
was resumed, and until the sun was high Rupert 
and Sandwich chased the enemy. But the delay 
of the leading squadron had been fatal, and the 
advantage was with the Dutch. Their knowledge of 
the coast was perfect; their lower draught enabled 
them to glide into the Texel, where our deeper 
ships could not follow. We were compelled to 
bear off to the northward, and the pursuit came to 
an end. 2 

The victory, says Evelyn, " might have been a com- 
plete one, and at once ended the war, had it been 
pursued, but the cowardice of some, or treachery, or 
both, frustrated that." 3 The suspicion got abroad 
that there had been mismanagement. But, though 
thwarted in the results of their pursuit, the victors were 
exalted by the flight of the enemy. Rupert and Sand- 
wich w r ent on board the Charles to kiss the Duke's 
hand, " whose preservation," wrote Sandwich, " made 
our victory glorious." 4 An informal council was held ; 

1 The examination of Harman did not take place until April, 1668 (it is 
printed in the Journals of the House of Commons). It is possible that the 
Blue and the White Squadrons were not much checked. They were in the 
rear, and were in touch with the enemy as soon as the day broke. 

2 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vol. i., f. 301. 

3 Evelyn's Diary, June 8. 

4 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 301 

i66 5 ] OUR FLEET RETURNS 309 

the need of speedy repairs, the disposal of the prizes, 
and the care of the wounded, all claimed attention, 
but the chief business was the distribution of the fleet 
in various ports. The Admirals felt that the vessels 
might be dispersed at once, " preferringe reall dispatch, 
before the Consideration of appearinge in some part 
with an entire Fleete, to confirme the reputation of 
our victory." Debate brought up the question of a 
return in triumph ; and though the victory was so 
notorious that they " needed not the fringe of such an 
appearance," the council determined to protect them- 
selves against malice and artifice, and to sail with the 
whole fleet into the Downs. 1 Unfavourable winds 
hindered their design, they worked more to the 
north, and on June 10 the undivided fleet anchored 
in Southwold Bay. 2 But three days later the council 
again met, for a stay at Southwold begat uneasiness. 
An east wind could bring the Dutch down upon us ; 
the roadstead was open, and good sailing was a 
hard task. The fleet was therefore distributed : the 
vessels and their prizes were sent to Hollesley 
Bay, to the Rolling Grounds, and to the Nore; the 
flagships and most of the second-rates went to the 
last-named place. 3 This done, the commanders were 
able to sit down and survey the results of their 

They had won an undoubted victory. The news 
was received with great joy : the trained bands, with 
drums beating and colours flying, "gave several 
volleys and acclamations"; church-bells were rung, 
bonfires flared in the streets, and a cheerful and 
devout thanksgiving was ordered from the pulpits. 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. , f. 302. 2 Ibid. , vol. i. , f. 304. 

3 The distribution of the fleet is set out in the MS. Journal, vol. i. , f. 306- 
See also Carte MSS., 75, f. 303. 


The English had taken nine prizes, and burned or 
sunk twelve Dutchmen. 1 The only ship taken by the 
enemy was the Charity : 

" Well, seldome game so lost, but losers make, 
One trick ; the Conquer'd from their Conquerors take. 
Fortune was pleasant when she lent the Dutch 
Our Charity, a thing they wanted much." 2 

At first the Duke and Rupert had more than their 
share of praise, and the work which Sandwich did was 
ignored and underrated. Only the Dutch did him 
justice. 3 So little was said about him in England 
that Pepys was seriously troubled, and feared a 
conspiracy of silence, though the King sent a very 
gracious letter, and said " that my Lord Sandwich 
had done nobly and worthily." 4 But Coventry's 
official account did not so much as mention the Earl, 
while a great paean of praise went up for the Duke 
and the Prince. 5 Not for some days did any public 
notice of Sandwich's part in the battle appear; 
then a letter from Captain Ferrers was shown to 

1 The official list of prizes is in S. P., Dom. : Charles II. , cxxiii., 
f. 29. 

2 Brit. Mus. : Luttrell Collection of Proclamations and Broadsides, vol. iii., 
f. 84 ; " The Dutch Armado, a Meer Bravado." In the same volume there 
is an acrostic (f. 80) which says : 

" Though Falmouth, Portland, noble blood did spill, 
They have their Honour, we our Sandwich still." 

3 The work done by Sandwich is fully discussed in Appendix C. 

4 Pepys's Diary, June 9 ^ Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 305. See 
also Carte MSS., 223, f. 273. The King's letter is in Brit. Mus., Sloane 
MSS., 1519, f. 192. 

6 (a) In a private letter Coventry says : " The behaviour of Prince Rupert 
and my Lord Sandwich was soe eminently good that noe man can bee silent 
of it" (S. P., Dom., cxxiii., f. 41). 

(b) In the Carte MSS., 79, f. 12, there is a curious diagram which was 
found among Lord Wharton's papers. The diagram endeavours to give the 
credit of breaking through the Dutch fleet to Rupert, and puts Sandwich in 

I66 5 ] 


L'Estrange, and the Newes of June 15 made some 
reparation. 1 

" The Prince" it said, " was much damnified in the 
battle, her hull, masts and rigging being exceedingly 
shattered and torn : His Lordship shewing himself 
aloft all the while, as unconcerned as if he had been in 
his own Parlour." 

Yet this tale of gallantry did not cover the work 
which Sandwich had done, and he had a distinct 
grievance. Pepys met him on June 23 at a Tangier 
committee my Lord no doubt, like the rest, "fat and 
lusty, and ruddy by being in the sun." There, in 

the rear. The designer has no idea of line tactics, and his formation of the 
fleet is decidedly medieval. The note is given here in order to demonstrate 
the length to which a partisan will go. 

of Sandwich; 

1 Pepys's Diary. The Newes, Thursday, June 15, 1665 : Hickes to William- 
son (Cat. S. P., Dom., June 10), expresses a general dissatisfaction at the 
meagreness of the accounts. 


conversation, Sandwich told Pepys how mighty 
strange it was that the printed relation should give 
him no word of honour. After the first pass, he was 
in the van all the rest of the day, and his ship had 
thirty shots in her hull, and not one whole mast nor 
yard ; indeed, the Prince was " the most battered ship 
of the fleet," and Evelyn confirms this, and says that 
she was pierced like a colander. 1 Sandwich was 
naturally piqued, and spoke with no little bitterness 
as one to whom injustice had been done. He criticized 
not only Rupert, but Lawson and the Duke, though 
he stated clearly that the last-named had come to his 
rescue at an opportune moment. 2 

It would be a pity should this chapter end upon a 
jarring note. The tradition of the navy calls for a 
unanimity which does not always come its way. 
These jealousies cast a shadow upon glorious results, 
and at times are pushed into too great prominence 
When they are thrown aside, the results remain. 
And the biographer of Lord Sandwich has two things 
to consider that the English had won a tactical 
victory, and that Sandwich had played a great part 
in the gain. From the time that war was imminent 
he had a foremost hand in the preparations ; and when 
the campaign began, he showed himself a seaman 
possessed of no ordinary skill. The excellence of the 
line, and the disposition of the squadrons, undoubtedly 
owed much to his suggestions. He had given direc- 
tions to his own small squadron which were generally 
adopted in the later stages of the war. His sailing 
trials were a new departure. His letters show real 
anxiety that defects should be remedied, and his 
journals display a keen interest in the campaign, and 

1 Evelyn's Diary, May 31, 1672. 

2 Pepys's Diary, June 28, 1665. 

i66 5 ] AN APPRECIATION 313 

a sound knowledge of its strategy. When the battle 
was joined, he exhibited noteworthy powers of leader- 
ship. The moment the regularity of line was lost, he 
detached his squadron from the melee, and executed a 
decisive movement. The victory of June 3 was not 
entirely his; but when the work is fairly estimated, 
his share is seen to be considerable, and he played a 
part which should surely have endeared him, not only 
to the King and to a faction, but to the nation as a 



" God prosper the fleete, 

And send they may meet 
De Ruyter to make up the conquest compleat." 

Naval Ballads. 

AFTER the battle off Lowestoft there came a lull, and 
both sides set out to refit their ships. The victory of 
the English was indecisive ; they had given a display 
of superior tactics, and swept the enemy into harbour, 
but the command of the sea was in abeyance. The 
Dutch suffered the disgrace of defeat, but were not 
forced to pay the penalty ; their power was bent, but 
unbroken. When Evelyn said that the victory might 
have been a complete one, had it been pursued, he 
voiced the feeling of the nation. Once the bonfires 
had burned out, and the cries of joy were spent, the 
English sat down to count the cost. Uneasiness stole 
upon them ; the gains were not even sufficient to pay 
for the medals of commemoration. What an outcry 
there would have been had the story of Brouncker's 
interference with the pursuit leaked out, but enough 
was whispered abroad to make men eager for a further 

1 Authorities : Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. , and Letters from Ministers ; 
Carte MSS. The Rawlinson MSS. also contain some very important matter. 
Granville Penn, Memorials of Sir William Penn. The correspondence 
relating to Bergen is in the Public Record Office, State Papers, Foreign 
(Holland and Denmark], and the Marquess of Bath's MSS., vol. xcv. Other 
authorities are given in the footnotes. 


i66 5 ] NEW WORK 315 

tussle, and it was resolved that the mischief should be 
remedied. The return of De Ruyter was imminent ; 
the Barbadoes fleet, which had put into Weymouth, 
carried the news of his departure from Newfoundland, 
and other vessels told of Dutchmen seen off the Irish 
coast. 1 Their East Indiamen were upon the high 
seas, "a booty that would pay for the powder and 
shot of a twelvemonth's war." They offered so great 
chance of a handsome prize that the Council deter- 
mined they should be taken, and to that end sent out 
the fleet. 

The vessels were allowed four weeks for provision 
and repair. By the last day of June they were judged 
ready for sea, and the main body rode at anchor off 
the Nore. The river was full of life ; there was a 
constant procession of craft of all kinds, from ketches 
to yachts ; and when the Queen-mother sailed for 
France with only a small escort, the English fancied 
themselves masters of the sea. Again the bustle 
preparatory to a campaign began. On board the 
Royal Charles were the King and Duke ; and on July i 
Sandwich, who had been in London, joined his ship. 
He went down to the Nore in a pinnace, accompanied 
by Evelyn, who has left us a description of the scene. 
As the Admiral went on board, the sailors 

" made a great huzza, or shout, at our approach, 
three times. . . . We dined with many noblemen, 
gentlemen, and volunteers, served in plate and excel- 
lent meat of all sorts. ... It was surprising to behold 
the good order, decency and plenty of all things in a 
vessel so full of men." 

Later in the day Sandwich was called to a Council 
on board the Charles, and it was then finally determined 

1 Cal. S. P., Dom., July I ; Carte MSS., 34, f. 307. 


that James should not adventure himself again at sea, 
at least for that summer. 1 

The change in the command was, in the main, due 
to the exigencies of dynastic policy. A man so eager 
as the Duke would not of his own will forego the 
chance of a second victory, but under pressure from 
the King and Council he withdrew from active ser- 
vice. The security of the succession, indeed, of the 
Restoration demanded the safety of his person as the 
one life between the Stewart line and its extinction. 2 
The King and Council then debated upon his successor. 
Of his two companions in the late campaign, Sandwich 
was Vice-Admiral of England, and Rupert Admiral of 
a squadron. The former should have had precedence, 
but, in the hope of pleasing the Prince, a joint command 
was proposed. 

" Many," said Clarendon, "thought it would have in 
the conjunction produced a very good mixture, the 
danger from the Prince being too sudden resolutions, 
from too much heat and passion, and the Earl having 
enough of phlegm and wariness in deliberating, and 
much vigour in the executing what was concluded ; 
and they were both well prepared and inclined to 
perform the function." 3 

But Clarendon was wrong, for the dual command 
was acceptable to Rupert only upon his own terms. 
Though Clarendon blames Coventry for the destruction 
of the plan, the main objector was the Prince himself. 
He decried a joint commission, which proposed that 
two Admirals should rub shoulders in one ship. With 
such an arrangement, said he, there could be no 
government. He asked for two distinct squadrons 
and two distinct commands. 4 But his former record 
as a seaman was tarnished by disaster; and now the 

1 Evelyn's Diary, July i. 2 See Commons' Journals, October 10. 

3 Clarendon, Life, ii., pp. 516-518. * Pepys's Diary, July 5. 


King stood out against this scheme, summoned Sand- 
wich into his cabin, and assured him that Rupert's 
plan was wholly unacceptable. 

"He expressed," says Sandwich, "more value for 
mee than I deserve, God knows, and told me I should 
bee sure either to command joyntly with the Prince 
or be trusted alone with the whole affaire, and soe 
advised about regulating the squadrons, and appointed 
that I should weare the red flagg." 1 

Since Rupert was obdurate, his command came to 
an end, and the conduct of the campaign devolved 
upon Lord Sandwich. 

The task taken in hand by the new chief was one of 
no little difficulty. The Government bid for success 
by fair means or foul. They were partners in a scheme 
by which great riches might be gained at the price of 
a little self-respect. Sandwich was instructed to inter- 
cept De Ruyter; a station was fixed on the Dogger 
Bank whence he could mount guard upon the trade 
route to the Texel. That part of his work was straight- 
forward, and rendered more honourable by the great 
reputation of the Dutch Admiral ; but the English 
went farther, and sought to assure a profit. Con- 
ceptions of international law were crude, and of 
international morality there was no thought. The 
Admiral was bidden to ride roughshod over such laws 
as existed. His instructions stated that, if the Dutch 
went towards Norway, they were to be attacked, 
plundered, and destroyed, " though they should go 
into any harbour belonging to the King of Denmark 
in those parts." 2 For the rivalry of English and Dutch 
extended to neutral Courts ; above all to a kingdom like 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. , f. 309. 

2 The instructions are in the Carte MSS., 75, f. 310. The question 
whether there was a right to pursue in hot blood into neutral waters was 
doubtful. It was raised when Boscawen did so at Lagos in 1759. 


that of Denmark and Norway, whose territory touched 
the North Sea, and whose harbours afforded a ready 
refuge in time of distress. 

This design upon the Dutch in a neutral harbour 
was the outcome of diplomatic spade-work. Our 
envoy at Copenhagen, Gilbert Talbot, conceived the 
plan. He was sent, when war broke out, to obtain 
the neutrality of the Danes, and to outbid the Dutch 
envoys in asking for covert help. Since the Danes 
had suffered from Dutch depredations upon the Guinea 
coast, they might be expected to make common cause, 
but they would not agree to an offensive alliance. 1 
The battle of Lowestoft was a strong card in Talbot's 
hand, for the victory had given us position. With 
England apparently mistress of the seas, Talbot 
had the ear of the King of Denmark and Norway. 
Frederick III. was already deep in debt, and willing 
to share in any spoil. The possibility of valuable 
vessels seeking refuge in Danish ports threw out 
prospects of a rich booty. When Talbot sounded the 
King, he had good reason to believe Frederick's in- 
clinations were perfectly English. 2 Having ascertained 
this, Talbot made a daring suggestion, and guarded 
himself by making it as a private person. He pro- 
posed that the King of Denmark should connive at an 
attack upon any Dutch vessels which might put in to 
the harbour of Bergen. At first Frederick demurred, not 
from scruple, but for want of sufficient force. Talbot 
then offered him an English squadron, and clinched 
the bargain by tendering an equal share of an almost 
certain prize, which could be estimated in millions. 

When King and Envoy had concluded their compact, 
the proposition was sent to England, and received with 

1 Lister's Life of Clarendon, ii. 336. 

2 S. P., For. : Denmark, vol. xvii., f. 352. 


favour. The King and the Duke of York were grati- 
fied by such evidence of Denmark's good-will ; they 

" that the motions of our fleet shall be directed to 
attend it with all possible care, by lying so in the 
other passages, as may oblidge the enemy to shelter 
himself in the ports of Norway, and following them 
thither to secure it, with all fitting orders accord- 

If the Dutch fleet came into a port before the prepara- 
tions were made, then artifice could be used to entertain 
them. A fair division of the spoil was guaranteed, and 
all precautions were taken " which may cover it from 
the world " and keep the name of Denmark untar- 

It was in pursuance of this scheme that haste was 
necessary, and the English fleet somewhat hurriedly 
set sail. On June 30 the King sent to Talbot his 
letter of approval, and two days later the instructions 
for the business were drawn up and handed to Penn. 
At that time the final details of the command were 
still under consideration, and for the sake of dispatch 
Penn was put temporarily in charge of the fleet. The 
King's proposal was that we should again divide into 
three squadrons; Penn was appointed Vice-Admiral, 
and commanded the White. Though the instructions 
were made out in his name, he was ordered to hand 
over the command as soon as Sandwich joined him. 
Penn sailed at once for Southwold. So quickly was he 
gone that time did not permit a copy of the instruc- 
tions to be taken; Coventry merely committed them 
to memory, and passed them on to Sandwich by word 
of mouth. But this was not enough. Sandwich, with 
his customary caution, obtained a further order from 

1 S. P., For. : Denmark, vol. xvii., f. 368. 


Coventry, which gave him the absolute conduct of the 
campaign. 1 

Within a few hours Sandwich actually took over 
the work. He first attended to some private matters 
which claimed attention. He signed and sealed the 
agreement for the Mountagu-Carteret marriage, and 
visited Lady Sandwich, who was lying ill at Ton- 
bridge. He then posted off in pursuit of Penn. On 
July 4 he boarded the Prince off Gravesend, and 
shortly after noon the vessel was under sail. When 
within a few leagues of Southwold, the watch dis- 
covered a squadron far off to the eastward. Penn had 
laid too great stress upon the need for haste. The 
instructions had been given him for Sandwich to 
execute, and the question of the supreme command 
was beyond doubt ; but Penn took the instructions as 
directed to himself, and started with a badly-furnished 
fleet. Many of the ships were hastily patched up after 
the late fight. Some which should have been taken 
were still on the stocks indeed, a whole division was 
left behind for Allin, the Admiral of the Blue, to bring 
along. A day or two in Southwold Bay would have 
enabled better provision to be made, and from the 
outset the fleet would have had its full strength. 
Instead of this, Sandwich found, to his annoyance, that 
the ships which were gathered together had been under 
sail the whole of July 5, and were making for the Texel. 
He had therefore to shape his course for the open sea, 
and on the following day he came up with the fleet. 
Penn immediately came on board the Prince, and put 
the conduct of affairs into the proper hands. 2 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vol. i., f. 310. 

2 Ibid., vol. i., f. 312 ; Clarendon MSS., 83, f. 162 : Sandwich to Claren- 
don. The fleet was made up of 2 first-rates, 6 second-rates, 10 third-rates, 
29 fourth-rates, 7 fifth- rates, 15 merchantmen, and I fire-ship. The shortage 
of men was 2,500. 

i66 5 ] ON THE DOGGER BANK 321 

When the flagship joined the fleet the vessels were 
upon the great shoals of the Dogger Bank. There, on 
the eastern side, the ships plied for days, hoping for a 
sight of De Ruyter. Thence Sandwich wrote to his 
friend Henry Bennet, who was now Lord Arlington : 

" Untill now I have been prevented of opportunity 
to returne my most humble Thankes for your Lord- 
ship's letter at my partinge, and all the kind expres- 
sions therein for mee, which I assure your Lordship I 
will soe farr studdy to deserve as faithfullnesse and 
affection in that service can pretend unto. This morn- 
inge was the first faire weather I could gett friends 
aboard in, and now amonge others Sir Tho: Clifford is 
with mee, and I have invited him to my Shipp which 
I thinke he accepts and finds it in many respects con- 
venient. This fleete hath been hasted away, though 
with a very greate defect of men (2,500 fewer than 
they had before). I hope care is taken to send them in 
the fleete from Sould bay. We are endeavouringe to 
gett into the Station appointed us ; nothinge shall be 
wanting in mee to perform what the Kinge my Master 
expects, whose pleasure is dearer to mee than all other 
considerations in the World besides, and I account it 
the Greatest happinesse in the World that I know he 
believes it to be soe ; I begg your favor at any tyme 
to signify his Majesty's mind unto mee, and to fix mee 
in your own good opinion." 1 

On July ii the flag-officers came on board the 
Prince and discussed the posture of affairs. It was 
resolved that the design on Bergen should be post- 
poned until the remainder of the fleet came up, and 
the Milford was told off to bring the vessels from 
Southwold. Two days later the council met again. 
Since the wind was southerly, present hopes of 
De Ruyter and his East Indiamen were put aside, 
and a letter was sent, begging that the rest of the 
ships should be hurried to the Dogger. Soon came the 
news that Allin, with twenty-five sail, was already on 

1 S. P., Dom. : Charles 77, cxxvi., f. 75, July n ; latitude 54.50. 
VOL. I. 21 


his way. He joined the main body on July 17, and 
Sandwich was thus in command of some eighty vessels 
all told. 1 

When the fleet was fully numbered, the Admiral 
wrote a final letter to the King : 

" In obedience to your Majesty's commands by my 
Lord Rochester I have accommodated him the best I 
can, and shall serve him in all things that I can. Sir 
Thomas Allen mett with us this morninge, and by the 
advice of the Councell of Warr, the whole fleete is 
now under sayle bound for the Naze of Norwa}^ The 
particulars relating thereunto will be presented your 
Majesty by my Lord Arlington and Sir William 
Coventry. The blessinge of heaven that accompanyes 
your Majesty's affairs is my great comfort under the 
weight I now susteine, whence I hope for success in 
this voyage, and abilities to serve your Majesty in 
this occasion, whom noe person in the world serves 
with a more faithfull and affectionate hart." 2 

Once satisfied that the fleet was of sufficient 
strength, Sandwich set about the execution of his 
plans. At a council of war the probable movements 
of De Ruyter and the East Indiamen were debated. 
11 Wee did thinke," wrote the Earl, " that neither of 
them would come along that sea untill they had a 
Fleet to protect them, or winter come on." By that 
time the Dutch knew that our great ships would be 
laid up in harbour, and till then, it was thought, they 
would decide to dally off Norway. 3 One member of 
the council (Penn) was for a blockade of the Texel, 
and all were of opinion that the station off the Dogger 
Bank was useless. " If they should put it to the 

1 Sandwich MSB. Journal, vol. i., f. 318 ; and another list is Brit. Mus. : 
Harkian MSS. 1247, f. 55. 

2 S. P., Dom.: Charles 77, cxxvii., f. 10. 

3 Carte MSS., 75, f. 313. The master of a French ship reported (on 
July 8) that Tromp was coming out to look for the East Indiamen, but later 
information would not confirm this. 

i66 5 ] DE RUYTER'S RETURN 323 

adventure to go home, the sea is wide, and foggs, and 
nights, and the flatt coast along the shore of Jutland 
advantagious for them to escape us by." 1 On these 
grounds a move was made, and the fleet worked 
eastward, in the hope that, with careful watching, 
De Ruyter would not be able to slip from harbour to 
harbour along the Norwegian coast, and thus evade 

In deciding thus, the flag-officers were guarding the 
route most favourable to the Dutch ; and, that it might 
be thoroughly watched, the fleet prepared to sail 
to the Naze of Norway. There they could obtain 
news of any vessels lurking about that coast, and 
garner knowledge of the harbours. While the council 
sat, there came intelligence that some Flemish vessels 
were in Flekkero. A squadron of twelve was told off 
to attempt these in the harbour " if it could be done 
with little losse of tyme, and to good effect." It was 
also decided that this squadron could be reinforced, 
if by any chance De Ruyter or the East India fleet 
were there. The twofold work of the expedition was 
at last linked up ; there were hopes of the capture of 
De Ruyter, and the prospect of an attack upon the 
enemy in the harbours of the Dano - Norwegian 
kingdom. 2 

The first part of the scheme was doomed to failure. 
On July 23 the scouts brought news that certain ships 
from the Straits were in Bergen, but that the East India- 
men were not there, neither was the man they sought. 
The time for intercepting De Ruyter had, in fact, gone 
by. The Dutch Admiral was then nearing home, and 
good fortune preserved him. He had been at sea for 
many months ; his vessels were ill-manned, his men 
sick, and " in panic fear of meeting the English." 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 319. 2 Ibid. 


But their leader's courage sustained them, and early 
in July he gained the gate about the North of Scotland. 
Once that was passed, he had either to make a bold 
dash across the North Sea or to hug the coast of 
Norway. In the first case there was every chance of 
meeting the English fleet, who would have compelled 
him to fight an infinitely superior force. In case he 
should try this, Penn had been " peremptorily for 
going backe with the Fleete for the Texell." This 
move, however, would have availed us little, for 
De Ruyter chose the other course. His ships were 
better adapted to the shallows than were those of the 
English. Aided by fogs, he gave us the slip. On 
July 13 he was off Bergen, and engaged a Flemish 
vessel as scout. That was the very day on which 
Sandwich and his council decided to await the re- 
inforcements from England, in the vain hope that a 
southerly wind was sufficient check upon De Ruyter. 
While they reasoned thus he passed them. On the 
day they left the Dogger Bank he was within fifty miles 
of them, off the Naze. Two English vessels discovered 
him on July 23, working his way along the coast of 
Denmark. Thence he passed into the shallows of the 
easternmost river of Holland, and on July 27 he was 
safe in the Ems. 

De Ruyter's achievement was considerable. He 
brought in nineteen ships, some of them prizes taken 
from the English in Newfoundland. When he reached 
home he had on board only six days' provisions. He 
and his crews had faced untold hardship, and endured 
to the end. His triumphant arrival was the signal for 
great rejoicings, and did much to relieve the depres- 
sion which followed the battle of Lowestoft. The 
Dutch looked upon his return as miraculous, and as a 
proof that divine providence had not forgotten their 

i66 5 ] READY FOR BERGEN 325 

land 1 He dispersed the gloom of defeat; disorder 
vanished, and the spirit of the nation was reanimated. 
Little wonder that women embraced the Admiral, and 
children joyed over his return. This success, wrote 
Downing, " hath huffed them up beyond the skies." If 
they get home the Indiamen as well, he wrote again, 
"who in the world to De Witt?" 2 For De Ruyter's 
arrival was a great blow to the English ; the treasure 
he had brought was as nothing in comparison with 
the moral effect of his exploit. There remained for us 
only one hope the capture of the East India ships 
as a recompense. 3 

It is not quite clear when the news of De Ruyter's 
return reached Sandwich. He was informed on 
July 23 that his rival was not in the harbour of 
Bergen ; on the day following some reports concern- 
ing him were taken from Greenland whalers. 4 But 
before Sandwich could have had definite news, the 
attack on Bergen was already in train. The in- 
structions laid stress upon the need for seizing the 
first opportunity, and on July 23 Sandwich was told 
that the Straits fleet was certainly in the haven. The 
gist of Talbot's correspondence was known to the 
flag-officers; as early as July 17 some indications of 
their plan had been sent to Copenhagen by the hand 
of a young volunteer, John Werden, who was one of 
the Admiral's especial friends. His instructions are 
unknown ; nothing was written down, since Sandwich 
and Talbot had no cipher. But Sandwich thought 
that the arrangements were definitely made ; he 
believed that the cartridge was prepared, that now his 

1 Brandt, La Vie de M, de Ruiter, pp. 286-288 (Amsterdam, 1698). 

2 S. P., For. : Holland, clxxvii., ff. 156, 188. 

3 Cat. S. P., Dom., August 9 : Coventry to Arlington. 
* Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 321. 


business was to apply the match, and he advised the 
King to fasten his windows before the explosion. He 
expected Frederick to do his share, " being prepared 
by Sir Gilbert Talbott," he wrote, " quickened by our 
expresse. . . . And," he adds, " I was encouraged in 
this expectation both by the King and Duke. . . . 
We therefore committed the successe to God and 
adventured the party." 1 

The expedition was entrusted to Teddiman. A 
squadron was detached ; at first the strength was 
fixed at eighteen sail, but on July 30 the council 
increased the number to twenty-two. The largest 
vessel was a third-rate, and two fire-ships and four or 
five ketches accompanied the squadron. 2 The flag- 
officers had then to decide whether the attack should 
be made at once, or whether it were better to wait for 
pilots and for further news from shore. Delay was 
dangerous. Provisions were scarce, and rapid action 
offered the best passport to success. Hardly had the 
council thus reasoned and decided, when a captured 
vessel was brought alongside and her captain examined. 
He came out of Bergen two days before, and could 
assure the English that ten East Indiamen had lately 
entered the harbour. So rich a prospect justified 
an attack. The fleet seethed with excitement, and 
volunteers jostled one another for a part in the adven- 
ture. They were " full of hopes and expectations," 
says one of them, " having already shared amongst us 
the rich lading of the East India merchants ; some 
for diamonds, some for spices, others for rich silks, 
and I for shirts and gold, which I had most need 

1 Rawlinson MSS., A 468 an Apologia drawn up by Sandwich and 
Pepys, and in the hand of the latter. The whole document is of the greatest 

2 The final arrangement was I third-rate, 8 fourth-rates, 4 fifth-rates, and 
9 merchantmen. 


of." 1 Teddiman was dispatched at once, and with 
him went young Sydney Mountagu, Sandwich's son, 
and his cousin Edward ; Lord Rochester, Sir Thomas 
Clifford, and young Charles Harbord, a great friend of 
the Admiral. 

That same night the squadron set out with the 
highest hopes of success ; but from the outset mis- 
fortune was in their wake. The nights were wild 
and stormy. With great difficulty the vessels fetched 
the harbour of Bergen, "the yard-armes sticking in 
the very rocks," for the roadstead was narrow and the 
water shallow. 2 Teddiman ordered his captains "to 
warp in close to the Dutch ships in the port and 
under the Castle." The night of August i was spent 
in taking up suitable berths and in negotiations with 
the Governor. The English had expected encourage- 
ment ; instead of this, they found themselves involved 
in troublesome disputes, for the Governor protested 
against the entrance into his port of more than five 
men-of-war. In addition the Dutch looked upon 
Teddiman's coming as a challenge, and were hardly 
persuaded from sounding their trumpets and opening 
fire. When a warning shot from the castle broke a 
sailor's leg, the affair appeared most unpromising; 
the English felt that they had been duped. Letters 
were transmitted to the Governor ; that which Sand- 
wich sent assumed neutrality, and could never have 
been written had not Sandwich deemed that the 
diplomatic arrangements were far advanced. 3 Teddi- 
man wrote in the same strain, and received answers 

1 John Wilmot, Lord Rochester ; account in Wordsworth, Ecclesiastical 
Biography ', iv. 611 (fourth edition). 

2 For a description of the harbour from a sailor's point of view, see the 
Naval Chronicle, xix. 405. 

3 S. /*., For. : Holland, clxxvii., f. 132. The volume contains a copy of 
this letter, and copies of those of Teddiman to the Governor, etc. 


in which neutrality was implied, but there was no 
promise of help. The English negotiations were con- 
ducted by Thomas Clifford, who received at the time 
his diplomatic and military baptism. To Clifford it 
seemed that the Danes played fast and loose with us. 
So critical was our position that young Edward 
Mountagu went ashore in a last effort to cajole the 
Governor. It was said that the Garter was offered, 
but the Governor had hardened his heart, and the 
coveted decoration did not prevail ; " he was," said 
Arlington, " distracted betwixt his avarice and the 
saving his Master's point of honour." 1 

The delay caused by these conferences was invalu- 
able to the enemy. When Teddiman first reached 
Bergen, the Dutch ships were lying one on another 
" incapable of execution." In the time gained, four 
ships of their convoy were moored athwart the 
harbour, their broadsides were trained upon the 
English, and the vessels were able to cover and 
hamper any attack upon the remainder of the fleet. 
Dutch and Dane alike^ ; strengthened the castle ; 
powder and shot were taken ashore, cannon dragged 
up from the ships, and Dutch sailors put to man the 
batteries. Meanwhile Teddiman " got eight sail in a 
line," and brought his broadsides on the ships within 
the harbour ; the other seven vessels he placed against 
the castle. The situation grew desperate. An ex- 
plosion, or the withdrawal of the English, formed the 
only solutions. The Governor begged Teddiman to 
retire, and asked for a few days' grace that he might 
get directions from the King. To the English this 
seemed a mere talk against time, for every minute the 
forts were being strengthened and manned. Teddi- 
man's patience was exhausted. He did not attack, 

1 Carte MSS., 46, f. 197. 


however, until he had held a council, and given his 
captains charge not to fire at the castle. 

At dawn on August 2 he "let fly his fighting 
colours," and poured a broadside into the enemy 
The castle and forts replied, and poured their fire 
upon the English. Three hundred guns were trained 
upon our vessels, and supported the fire of the Dutch. 
The wind was with them ; it blew strongly out of the 
harbour, blinded the English with smoke, and prevented 
the entrance of our fire-ships. In the confusion, 
vessels ran foul of one another, their rigging was torn, 
their cables cut away by chance shots. For three 
hours Teddiman was exposed to an attack, twice as 
fierce as he expected. At length he withdrew. There 
was no anchorage outside the bay, and he was con- 
strained to take his ships to Jettifiord. He brought 
off all his vessels, though six or seven were much 
damaged and could hardly sail. The loss of men was 
considerable over four hundred. Edward Mountagu 
and a volunteer, John Windham, were killed, together 
with six captains. There was nothing to tell of this 
disastrous expedition but a story of mingled dis- 
appointment and valour. 1 

" The Bergen business was well laid, 

Though we paid dear for that design ; 

Had we not three days parling staid, 
The Dutch fleet there, Charles, had been thine ; 

Though the false Dane agreed to fell 'um, 

He cheated us, and saved Skellum. 2 

1 For details of the attack see Teddiman's letter (Sandwich MSS. Journal, 
vol. i., f. 330), Clifford's letter (Rawlinson, A 222), S. P., Dom. : Charles II., 
cxxix. , ff. 79, 88, and the authorities quoted in the various footnotes. There 
is a pen-and-ink drawing of the position of the ships and the harbour in 
Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 332. Those interested in naval history 
will find an account of an action in the harbour of Bergen, in 1808, between 
the Tartar frigate and some Danish gunboats (Naval Chronicle, vol.' xix. , 
p. 420). This affords a most interesting parallel to Teddiman's attack. 

2 Rochester, The History of Insipids, in W. W. Wilkins' Political Ballads, 
i. 195. 


The blame for the disaster fastened upon Sandwich, 
but, in truth, the failure at Bergen was, like a hundred 
other mistakes, due to an improper understanding 
between the soldier and the diplomatist. When 
evidence is examined, it will be found that there is 
a heavy account against the diplomat. In Talbot's 
letters to Arlington, which immediately preceded the 
affair, he writes as though all were in train. " The 
King," he states, " has ordered his Governor to shoot 
only powder." There is no ambiguity here. And 
again, the King " sends orders to his Governor to 
storm and seem to be highly offended, but not to 
shoot at the English, or at least not to touch them." 1 
On July 24 he wrote to Sandwich without a word of 
doubt or warning : 

" I have treated with His Majesty of Denmarke," 
the letter runs, " not to look upon you as an Enemy 
. . . but that it may not be suspected by the world 
that the said Governor doth any way favour your 
enterprise or hath any intelligence with you, he is to 
send you this letter of advertisement under hand, 
together with an admonition to you not to offer any 
violence to the King his Master's Sanctuaries. . . . 
You are not therefore to be surprised if he seem to be 
highly displeased with your proceeding." 2 

As the writer said, displeasure was but an outward 
show to amuse the Dutch. If this letter reached 
Sandwich before the squadron started, then the attack 
was undoubtedly justified. 

But even if Talbot's letter failed to reach him, 
Sandwich was justified in giving his orders. The 
King and the Duke of York had every confidence in 
Talbot, and had not hinted that there was a doubt in 

1 S. P. , For. : Denmark, xvii. , f. 378. Some of the letters are printed in 
Lister's Life of Clarendon, vol. iii., pp. 389-409. 

2 Rawlinson MSS. t A 256, f. i. 


the matter. The month which passed between the 
approval of the scheme and the attempted execution 
gave ample time for the arrangement which Talbot 
claimed to have made, and everyone thought that he 
had made it. 

" The order from Court," wrote Carteret, " was 
given upon very good grounds, the King of Denmark 
having engaged him to the King of England not to 
protect any of the Dutch ships in his harbour, but 
to the contrary to doe great matters against that 
Nation." 1 

Arlington spoke of the business as one which " had 
been before concerted"; 2 and again: "We had never 
engaged in so difficult an enterprise, but upon assurance 
from the Court of Denmark, that they would favour 
us in them, much otherwise than they have done." 3 
Coventry thought that the misfortune at Bergen did 
not arise from the fleet, though he did not know where 
to assign the cause. 4 Manchester also assured Sand- 
wich that the affair cast no reflection on him, but that 
Charles resented the part played by Denmark. 6 " I 
cannot yett believe," writes Clarendon, "that the 
Kinge of Denmarke . . . after he hathe done soe 
much, will by doinge no more force us to tell tales in 
our own defence." 6 The general opinion at Court, 
led by the Duke of York, was favourable both to 
Sandwich's design and Teddiman's action. " The 
greatness of the attempt, the bravery of the thing, 
and the good conduct in bringing off every ship, hath 
quite swallowed up the loss of our men and the 
repulse." 7 

1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 329. 

2 Ibid., 46, f. 197 : Arlington to Ormond. 

3 Arlington, Letters, vol. ii., p. 18. 
* Carte MSS., 75, f. 335. 

5 Ibid., 75, f. 333. 

6 Ibid., 223, f. 287. 7 Ibid., 75, f. 339. 


The account of the affair at Bergen which has always 
passed current filtered down through Burnet. 1 His 
account is in the main an abstract of Talbot, whose 
narrative has been made a classic. 2 But it is a brief 
rather than a narration ; it was not drawn up at the 
time, but at a later date, and has all the defects of an 
after-thought. The affair of Bergen, on Talbot's own 
confession, " was laid asleep " till Guldenlew came to 
England as Danish Ambassador ; and that was not 
until I66Q. 3 Then the Dane endeavoured to justify his 
master's action, and Talbot at the same time pre- 
pared his story at the request of Charles II. 

The account does Sandwich the greatest injustice 
in many important particulars. In the first place, it is 
stated that Sandwich had been commanded not to stir 
from the Dogger Bank until he heard from Copen- 
hagen. There is no such command in his instructions, 
nor in any later letter; neither the name of Copen- 
hagen nor of Talbot is even mentioned. Neither did 
Sandwich act against the King's precise orders. The 
station of the fleet was left to the discretion of the 
council of war, and by them arranged. A further 
charge is that Sandwich did not preserve the secrecy 
required when he told Werden of the project. Sand- 
wich was obliged to have a messenger; and as he 
had no cipher with Talbot, he was compelled to com- 
municate by word of mouth. Talbot confesses himself 
in the same difficulty, and sent his secretary under 
similar conditions. Indeed, the plan was little of a 
secret. The ports of Norway had been used months 
before as a shelter by the English, in order to surprise 

1 Burnet, History of his Own Time, vol. i., pp. 385-388 (edition of 

2 The narration is in Brit. Mus. : Harkian MSS., 6859, and Add. MSS., 
27,990 ; it was printed in Arch(Eologia> vol. xxii. 

3 Cal. S. P., Dont., 1668-1669. 


the enemy when sailing from the Sound. 1 A news- 
letter dated July 20 hopes " that if their fleet has 
sheltered in Norway, ours will putt them thence by 
force. The King of Denmark would take satisfaction 
for the affront or a share in the prey." 2 This did not 
look like secrecy, and the charge is one of many which 
breaks down upon examination. Such another may 
be noted. Talbot states that, on dispatching Werden, 
Sandwich "stood over to the coast of England," in 
order to pick up another section of his fleet. This 
would have disorganized the business, and the state- 
ment is contrary to fact. The stragglers had joined 
him ten days before ; the fleet remained where Werden 
left them, until Teddiman's squadron was detached, 
and then sailed northwards. 

A further charge is that of a premature attack, as 
though Sandwich were warned not to anticipate the 
day. It must be repeated that Sandwich was not 
instructed to wait for orders. The moment at which 
he was bidden to throw aside neutrality " would bee 
when any considerable substance of the Hollanders 
was lodged in theire ports." Under such directions, 
he carried out his business to the letter : " scarce at 
any time," he says, " in one place soe great a mass of 
wealth was ever heaped together." 3 He hoped to 
gain these riches, because he believed the plot com- 
plete. As Clarendon said in Parliament, the Earl of 
Sandwich received orders to go for Norway, " upon 
such encouragement as was not made good, so that 
he was disappointed of the expectation he had very 
reasonably carried with him thither." 4 In the council 
of war, not a man but hoped that the King of Denmark 

1 Cat. S. P. , Dom. , May 29 : Captain Grove, of the Success. 

2 Ibid., July 20 : James Knight to Henry Muddiman. 

3 Rawlinson MSS., A 468. 

4 Lords' Journals, October II. 


would have done his share, " being prepared by Sir 
Gilbert Talbott quickened by our expresse. . . . And 
I was encouraged in this expectation," wrote Sand- 
wich, "both by the King and Duke. We therefore 
committed the Successe to God and adventured the 
party." 1 

Then came the failure, for which Sandwich cannot 
be held wholly responsible. Talbot was not told that 
Sandwich had orders to attack ; Sandwich, on his 
part, did not know how much or how little Talbot 
had arranged. But it appears that Talbot was too 
sanguine from the first, and did not conceive that 
Frederick might find a conscience. The King mumbled 
about methods, and would not hasten to get his orders 
into cipher, nor did the envoy ascertain whether any 
orders were actually sent. As the days passed there 
came a distinct change in Talbot's letters ; doubt took 
possession of him. At the end of July, when it was too 
late, he put his uneasiness into words. He indicated 
that after all, perhaps, the bargain was not clinched : 
his messages, he said, had miscarried, and it was 
hard to give seasonable advice. He talked of sending 
news to Sandwich of all that stirred ; yet in a later 
letter he bemoaned that " if we lose this occasion the 
whole design is lost." 2 It is probable that Frederick 
had played him false. Werden simply says : " All that 
the King of Denmark would order in favour of us was 
sent to his governor three or four days . . . before 
July 26. " 8 This expressed doubt chimes in very well 
with Talbot's uneasiness. The day on which the 
news of the failure reached Copenhagen he wrote 
to deplore the want of fixed intelligence, and again 

1 Rawlinson MSS., A 468. See p. 326, ante. 

2 S. P., For. : Denmark, xvii., ff. 384, 393. 

3 Sandwich MSS. Journal* vol. i., f. 335. 


wondered whether to give Sandwich advice or not. 
Then comes his postscript on the failure. He still 
thought the matter could be repaired, and charged a 
number of cross-accidents on the various messengers. 
At length Talbot threw the whole blame upon Sand- 
wich. On August 1 6 he wrote : " I was in fear it 
would be precipitated when Mr. Werden said that my 
Lord Sandwich was resolved to attempt it without 
order from hence." 1 

This somewhat lengthy review of the diplomatic 
side is needed in a defence of Sandwich, because 
Talbot's narrative has so long held the field. There 
is yet another source : an official account of the 
Bergen affair, apparently unused by historians, with 
one notable exception. 2 This appears to be an un- 
varnished story ; no attempt is made to whitewash 
the Court or to clear Lord Sandwich ; it was, in- 
deed, published when he was absent in Spain, and 
when every man's hand was against him. The state- 
ment that he advised a premature attack is refuted. 
It is made perfectly clear that he had every cause for 
belief that the understanding with Denmark was com- 
plete. And not only did Sandwich believe it, but 
the home government was equally surprised at the 
breakdown of their diplomacy, and for some weeks 
they considered further prospects of Danish aid. 3 

While the ill-fated attack upon Bergen was in pro- 
gress, Sandwich remained for a few days off the 
Norwegian coast. There he considered the needs ot 
the fleet. So dirty and windy was the weather that 

1 S. P., For. : Denmark, xvii., ff. 395, 403. The dates given here are in 
the old style. 

2 See Campbell's Lives of the Admirals, vol. ii. The pamphlet is entitled 
A True Deduction of all Transactions, etc. (London, 1666): Brit. Mus., 
669, d. i, No. 24. 

3 Carte MSS., 46, f. 199 ; Cal S. P., Dom., August 27. 


he could only consult the flag-officers by letter. For 
a whole day and night the vessels were driven north- 
wards ; on August 4 " handsome weather " permitted 
a meeting of the council. The journal does not detail 
the debate in full. Penn, the great advocate for 
watching the Texel, was absent ; he " excused himself 
by reason of pain." Had a blockade been suggested, 
it could not have been of long duration, for the vessels 
were in need of water. 1 It was decided, therefore, 
that the fleet should endeavour to fetch Shetland 
or some part of the English coast. A message was 
dispatched to Teddiman, and on August 7 Sandwich 
brought the fleet to Shetland, and anchored in Bressa 
Sound. No sooner had the water been taken in 
than a new trouble came upon them. " Divers high 
spotted fevers " broke out among the men ; it seemed 
as if the cursed plague raged even upon the high seas. 
Sickness and the shortage of provision forced the fleet 
to return. 2 It was resolved not to look for Teddiman, 
but to steer with all industry for the coast of England, 
making for Flamborough Head. On August 13 the 
fleet set sail, and was scarcely out of Bressa Sound 
when the Sapphire brought the bad news from Bergen. 
During the voyage down the coast about thirty ships 
were sighted, which proved to be Teddiman's unlucky 
squadron. On the i8th he joined Sandwich off Flam- 
borough Head, and three days later the vessels were 
once more in Southwold Bay. 

The welcome extended to the fleet was not 
auspicious ; the failure of Bergen plunged men's minds 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 326. See also Colomb's Naval 
Warfare, pp. 50-52. 

2 Carte MSS., 74, f. 269. On August 9 it was found the stock varied, so 
that some of the ships contained "dry provisions" which would last from two 
to six weeks, and the allowance of beer varied ; in some for a few days, in 
others four weeks. 

i66 5 ] NEED FOR ACTION 337 

into a winter of discontent. Some said that Teddiman 
" staid too long while he saw the Dutch fitting them- 
selves," and swore that by a sudden attack he might 
have taken every ship. Others said that the East 
Indiamen had still to get back to Holland, and the 
return of our fleet seemed most ill-timed. 

" The expectations, not only of the Court but of the 
whole kingdom, are upon pur meeting with the Dutch," 
wrote Clifford to Sandwich, " and if we are not for- 
tunate in meeting them, give me leave to tell your 
Excellency that there will be a great dissatisfaction. 
... In everybody's opinion there is an ill face upon 
our affairs." 1 

Ties of blood and friendship led Manchester to send 
a like warning. The great victory of June was barren, 
since De Ruyter had swept the coasts of Guinea, 
plundered the Indies, and then got safely home. 
Another blow was needed, and if the Dutch get into 
port, said Manchester, " there are those that will make 
discourses." 2 

The nation gave no thought to the need for pro- 
visions, and eagerly awaited a decisive action ; " a 
great deal of money being spent," says Pepys, " and 
the kingdom not in a condition to spare, nor a parlia- 
ment without much difficulty to meet to give more. 
And to that, to have it said, what hath been done by 
our late fleetes ?" Trade with the Baltic was at a 
standstill, for the enemy had recovered from the shock 
of June 3, and was again at sea. De Witt had re- 
established discipline ; De Ruyter's return had given 
the Dutch renewed courage, and the redoubtable 
Admiral was there to lead them. The fleet placed 
under his command was little inferior in numbers to 

1 Carte MSS., 75, f. 339. 2 Ibid ^ 22 ^ f> 3O 

VOL. I. 22 


that which sailed in the spring. In some respects it 
was, perhaps, better equipped ; a notable change, the 
result of past experience, was that the fleet, instead of 
being in seven squadrons, was organized in three, 
upon the English model. With De Ruyter in com- 
mand, the vessels sailed from the Texel, ready to 
convoy the merchantmen from Bergen and to reassert 
control over the trade routes. 

To meet this formidable enemy and to check their 
design, Sandwich prepared again to put to sea. He 
had no better wish than to engage De Ruyter. The 
moment he returned he wrote to Albemarle, and 
begged for men and provisions, 1 but owing to the 
evil of working without a reserve, and to the hurry 
with which Penn had set out in July, he was hampered 
in his preparations. His ships were half manned, his 
sailors were underfed. He was zealous for an effective 
force. He knew that had he remained at sea during 
the whole of August, and not put into Southwold, it 
would have been in vain, since he was so ill-provided 
with victuals. His papers showed glaring discrepancy 
between the victuallers' statement of the drink said to 
be provided and that actually on board. The victuallers 
had miscalculated by three weeks. " I am grieved at 
the heart," wrote Pepys, " to see your Lordship in this 
streight, which shall be eased as far as any paynes 
of mine will stand in steade." 2 But the system of 
victualling was still at fault. The whole of the 
business of contract lay with a single contractor ; 
"had he died, all would have stood still." Coventry 
was in great fear lest the attempt to intercept De 
Ruyter should fail for want of provisions ; if the 

1 Cal S. P., Dom., August 25. 

2 Carte MSS., 75, ff. 337, 338. 

i66 5 ] TO SEA AGAIN 339 

Dutch staid any time in Norway, he wrote, the fleet 
would once again be forced back, and another oppor- 
tunity lost. 1 

The need for success was as urgent upon one side as 
the other. It was known that De Witt and De Ruyter 
would spare no effort to bring home the East India 
fleet from Bergen, and to protect some other Dutchmen 
which were overdue from the Mediterranean. Vessels 
carrying valuable silks and spices, and a cargo of 
1 20 tons of gold, were upon the high seas. 2 This 
was the prize which Sandwich hoped to take. The 
plan adopted in order to compass the design was 
one which should ensure a decisive action ; the fleet 
was given a position off the Dogger Bank, 55 N.N. W., 
and twenty leagues from the Texel. The object was 
to risk an open blockade, in order to strike at the 
enemy some distance from their own ports. The task 
was formidable, and was rendered more difficult by 
the increasing uncertainty of the autumn weather. 

Under such circumstances, Sandwich was impatient 
to be gone ; though he was decidedly a cautious man, 
he never delayed action through hesitation or fear. 
His importunity about provisions had had some results, 
and he felt justified in setting out for a few weeks. 
" Just now," wrote Pepys, " comes newes that the fleet 
is gone, or going this day out again, for which God be 
praised. My Lord Sandwich hath done himself great 
right in it, in getting so soon out again." 3 Even then 
the final arrangements were hurriedly made, and were 
not wholly satisfactory ; the liquor allowance was one 
half, and certain vessels were ill-fitted. 

1 CaL S. P., Dom. : Coventry to Arlington, August 30 and September 2. 

2 Lefevre-Pontalis, Johan de Witt, vol. i., pp. 360-362. 

3 Pepys's Diary, August 28. 


At the council of war held before sailing, Sandwich 
issued a memorandum to the captains, which embodied 
his fighting instructions, and which in parts reads 
like the most famous memorandum ever delivered in 
our naval history. He urged upon the commanders 
that the order of battle should be kept, but " if they 
were hindered of that by any accident then to be sure 
to putt themselves in a line any where to have theire 
broad sides to the enimye." 1 The set of instructions, 
the second for which Sandwich was responsible, is of 
remarkable interest throughout. 2 " I did admonish 
the Commanders of some ships for our advantage in 
fighting and saylinge," is his introduction ; and he ex- 
pounded his ideas at the council of war, entering them 
in his journal as though delivered in the form of an 
exhortation. 3 

The instructions were delivered while the fleet lay 
three leagues from Southwold. Despite the rough 
weather, anchor was weighed, and on August 30 the 
vessels were well out to sea. In two days a fine fresh 
breeze brought them within fifteen leagues of the 
Texel, and in the enemy's path. De Ruyter was 
returning from Bergen. He had gone there with 
some hopes of meeting Teddiman, but missed him by 
several days. He was able, however, to take the East 
Indiamen under his protection. The Governor of 
Bergen, although handsomely rewarded for his former 
services, demanded 100,000 crowns for having pro- 
tected the vessels since Teddiman's attack ; but the 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 337. Cf. Nelson's memorandum on 
the eve of Trafalgar : " No captain can do very wrong if he places his ship 
alongside that of an enemy." 

2 J. S. Corbett, Fighting Instructions (1530-1816), contains the first set. 

3 The council minutes are in Carte MSS., 75, f. 341. The instructions are 
not included, and are printed as an appendix to this volume. 

i66 5 ] A PRIZE TAKEN 341 

Admiral resisted this demand, and set out with his 
valuable fleet for Holland. 1 

The anxiety and excitement in the Dutch fleet was 
intense ; their scouting and knowledge of the English 
movements was worthy of their leader, but rough 
weather was their undoing. September came in like a 
lion; one after another their vessels were dispersed, 
and the attempts to reassemble them were all in 
vain. Great East Indiamen, laden with riches, but 
foul after their long journey, broke away from their 
convoys, and rolled helplessly about in the North 
Sea, at the mercy of the tempest and the enemy. 
On the morning of September 3 the English sighted 
seven or eight of the stragglers. Frigates were sent 
to chase them, whereupon the quarry bore down 
for the Texel. For a whole day the pursuit lasted, 
and in the evening the English took a fine prize 
two great East Indiamen, a Straitsman, a Malagaman, 
and four men-of-war, several small vessels, and 1,300 
prisoners. 2 The only loss on our side was the 
Hector, a fifth -rate carrying twenty guns. Imme- 
diately the prizes were taken the whole fleet tacked 
to the westward, and ran about six leagues towards 
the English coast, in order to avoid the dangers of a 
lee shore. 

Then for two days came constant councils, busied 
with the arrangements for securing the prizes, and for 
collecting the scattered ships of the fleet. One by one 
they came in, bringing perhaps a vessel from the 
Straits, or some smaller Dutchman. The prizes were 
rich, and their security an anxious business. They 

1 Brandt, Vie de Ruyter, p. 306. He arrived at Bergen on August 19 

2 Brit. Mus. : Egerton MSS., 2618, f. 119 : Sandwich to Albemarle. 


were manned and formed into a small squadron con- 
voyed by six merchantmen. They sailed upon the 
Admiral's starboard quarter ; if an engagement came 
on, the captains were instructed " to keep on the off 
gauge from the enemy." In case of imminent danger, 
the men were to be taken from the prizes, and the 
ships burned or sunk. 1 

There was again some prospect of a battle. Sand- 
wich was under no delusions about the strength 
of the Dutch fleet, nor about the resource and per- 
sistence of its leader ; but having already made 
considerable gains, he adopted a cautious policy. He 
determined to keep what he had, and to add to his 
riches rather than to risk a loss ; since he held gilt- 
edged securities, he avoided speculation. 

The wind varied strangely ; now southerly, now in 
the opposite quarter; now fierce, now calm. The 
enemy was reported off the Well Bank, some seventy 
or eighty strong. Sandwich, though he had the larger 
force, wished to perplex and thus to divide them ; the 
choice of an engagement was theirs. He decided on 
nothing apart from his flag-officers, and they resolved 
not to continue the chase too near the Texel. Failing 
further success in regard to prizes, they fixed a definite 
date for the return to England. 

" In four days time," said Sandwich, " wee judge wee 
must meet with some of these scattered parcels of 
their Fleete, or they (beinge none of them 20 leagues 
from home) will by that tyme be gone into port, and 
our stay in the sea at this tyme of the year unneces- 
sarily may be of very ill consequence to the greate 
ships and prizes." 2 

1 Sandwich MS S. Journal, vol. i., f. 347 ; Carte MSS., 75, f. 346. 

2 Sandwich MSS. Jottrnal, vol. i., f. 351 ; Carte MSS., 75, f. 348 : Sand- 
wich to the King ; S. P., Dom., cxxxii., f. 26. 

i66 5 ] THE RETURN HOME 343 

The day after this decision was made excitement 
began again. Eighteen sail of the enemy were sighted, 
chased, and attacked. Four men-of-war were taken, 
one of seventy guns ; some merchantmen, their victuals, 
ammunition, and a thousand prisoners ; a glorious but 
cumbersome amount, for, as Clarendon put it, they 
had to be clothed and fed, and did us more harm 
ashore than afloat. The English lost only one captain, 
Lambert, and a few men. 1 After this first encounter, 
Sandwich stood westward, and met thirty sail more, 
one a Vice-Admiral. 2 There was a sharp brush, and 
the Revenge lost her captain, Langhorne. The Dutch, 
panic-stricken, fired some of their prizes. But fog 
and thick weather prevented a further chase ; the 
ships could scarcely see one another, and the wind 
was rapidly rising. The Dutch were within eight or 
nine leagues of their own havens, and endeavoured to 
draw the English on to a lee shore. Lord Sandwich 
was wary ; he would not risk having to tack in the 
night, but kept his fleet together, and stood westward 
towards the English coast 

The precaution was justified, for the wind rose to a 
gale. Sails were blown out of the bolt-ropes, and 
there was a great sea. For two days the vessels 
sailed homewards; at length the welcome sight of 
Yarmouth steeple appeared upon the horizon. With 
a north-east wind the fleet sailed down the English 
coast, and on September 13, about sunset, anchored 
off the Buoy of the Nore. The vessels were all 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i., f. 351 : Sandwich to the King ; S. P., 
Dom., cxxxii., f. 83. 

2 Sandwich in his letter says that the Vice-Admiral was Banckers ; the 
Dutch say it was Van Nes (see Brandt, pp. 316 and 317). In Tromp's Life 
it is stated that some of the Dutch ships were betrayed by a pilot from 
Bremen (p. 317). 


safe, and the prizes were intact. Sandwich was 
satisfied that he had done the nation a great service ; 
he ended the first volume of his journal with every 
sign of joy, and subscribed it with the words Deo 
Gratias. 1 

1 Sandwich MSS. Journal, vol. i. , f. 352. 






>< g 

5 E 








^ fe 


2 co C3 


O^ O 

2 o 


g u," 

i.2 3 

P'G a 

fc^ W) 


rt O .^ 


'C fl 




9 * S MC/3 PJ(UU -H 


Si f!f IfUi if! slffi 

s-i.ll u lSl5j:iis|:i|l^fl 

Q >C^Q^ >c^ c^ 

<-M OO 

O <N 

_ to 



<tj JO 


_, 3 

S cr 1 

cS C 
^3 O 








V y M - | nT^l, _iJ *-" V,V\ frt ' t5 

8 5 " - C?C^ S 

. 2 >< S H "~ >TH 

,S) G ** ^ 9 HM P * V i_ MHT? ^ 

VjQg^., CS OO~g" M ^ ^ >^ 

J 1 " 1 ^ C S*^-^ c '^o < ^ 

a^..u-43 o Sg_ ^(^ o ^ 

^ ^\J ^H *H ^_J O C3 fH S 

ll||ll H|o HI ll t_ 

fllS-gDa 1 "fji 1 Hi . I 1 " lo- 

I I ' W ^ ~ ^5 

J'S^'S" ^^oj cfof^^ ^ ^^ 




43 T3 

.H'C ^O S 

W O <J S <d"<"K W &H 4i 

i ! j-i f 

w'^ !S 

bS fi 

^^ ^^ .- . -_ HH W 

!||o: 1 llfllo^^Pfwfll 

,'8-S^ " sis 

i > S tuo b/) 

l'c r s .2 3^3 

flii?^ i 111 

1 1 111 

K u. -^3 .^-G.h TOHMMt/3l ^.ii! 

c^ 35 H3>> C4H03 w a) co 

O M N ro ^ vrjvO t> OO ON 

^> JQ HH en 

&*! & 8-s 

G CH *> ^ !*^ C2 C^ 

O <D *rt N M 

ffiffiW ^^ AO 00 



Merchant ships are denoted by asterisks (*}. 



g I 


Milford ... 





Constant Catherine 


Advice ... 

St. Andrew 

E. Indian Merch fc 




Mary Rose 



Fire-ship. Royal James 

Merlin ... 






Return ... 

John and Abigail 


Ruby ... 



Monck ... 

Hector ... 

Triumph ... 


George . . . 
Success ... 


Little Mary 
Fairfax ... 
Amity ... 
Eagle ... 


Rear- Admiral's 

! Admiral's 
j group. 

Vice- Admiral's 





van wing. 

4 , 






3 } 

4* 1 Rear Admiral's 

4 j rear wing. 





Loyal George 

... 5 1 Commander-in- 
... 4* Chief's van 


Old James 

... 2 wing. 


Drake, 6. Royal Charles ... 


4 . 

^ Commander-in- 
- Chief's group. 


Happy Return ... 

... 4 



... 3 Commander-in- 



... 4* Chief's rear 



... 5 wing. 


3 . 

f Dover ... 

* 4 } 

Coast frigate 

... 4* I Vice- Admiral's 

_ w 

St. George 

... 2 j van wing. 

13 . 

Guinea ... 

... 4 J 

| o 


Royal Oak... 

Martin ... 

3 \ 
~ 1 Vice- Admiral's 
'.'.'. 6 ) ^oup. 



... 4 ^ 


Royal Exchange ... 

... 4* ^ Vice- Admiral's 


... 3 f rear wing. 

c Bristol ... 

... 4 J 



Lizard ... 

'" ^ 1 Vice-Admiral's 
... 5 J rou P- 






... 4 

rQ '53 < 


... 2 

<1 > 


... 4 


Castle frigate 

... 4* 



... 4 

Hamb r Merch fc ... 

... 4* 

^ Jersey ... 

... 4 


... 4* 


... 4 

John and Thomas 

... 4* 



Bredah ... 

... 4 


... 3 





0) ' 


Fire-ship. The Prince 
A ketch. 

^ Admiral's 


Oxford ... 

5 j 



... 3 



... 4 

Maryland Merch 1 

... 4 * 

Dragon ... 

... 4 


... 3 


Society ... 

- 4* 



... 4 

- C 

Golden Phosnix ... 

... 4* 



... 4 


... 4 



... 3 


Royal Catherine 

' M Rear- Admiral's 
5 J group. 

NOTE. The White Squadron is given in the above order, 
the fleet after April 20, or was one of the fire-ships. 


The Charity joined 


THE account of the battle is based largely upon two sources 
the account given by Sandwich in his MS. Journal, now 
used for the first time ; and another account written by his 
Captain, Roger Cuttance (Carte MSS., 75, f. 307). The latter 
was originally among the Hinchingbrooke MSS., and was 
doubtless written for Sandwich, who was disappointed at the 
meagre praise allotted to him by the scribes for his part in 
the action. Both Sandwich and Cuttance state categorically 
that the former gave the signal for breaking through the 
Dutch fleet, " hoisting the blue flag at the peak of the mizzen 
yard arm." This was in accordance with righting instruction 
No. 7 (see J. S. Corbett's Fighting Instructions), and was a sign 
for the squadron to bear up in the wake or grain of the flag- 
ship. It is acknowledged that Sandwich divided the enemy ; 
the Dutch say that he broke their line, but the successful 
move has been attributed to accident, not to a tactical design 
(see Clowes's Royal Navy, ii. 260). But Sandwich had already 
issued some such instructions, and he and his squadron were 
familiar with the movement (see Hist. MSS. Comm. Report, 
xv., Instructions ; reprinted by J. S. Corbett, p. 108). In 
addition he was present when the instructions of April 18 
were drawn up, and when they were emphasized on April 20. 
On the Dutch part the success of the manoeuvre was recog- 
nized, and attributed to him. Opportunity has not permitted 
an investigation of the Dutch archives, but an account based 
on contemporary evidence gives Sandwich the glory. " Le 
Comte de Sandwich separat la Flotte Hollandoise en deux 
vers I'l heure du midy " (Description Exacte, 1668, p. 54). A 
similar account is given by a later author, possibly from the 
same authority (La Vie de Corneilk Tromp, 1694, P 



Again, " Sandwigh, omtrent ten een uur naer den middagh, 
de Hollandshe Vloot in tween van een gesneden " (Leeven en 
Daaden der Doorluchtigste Zee-helden, by L. van den Bos, 
Amsterdam, 1683). Our own Minister in Holland, Downing, 
(S. P., For. : Holland, 177 and 178) reported on the good order of 
the line kept by the English fleet, and a steadiness of purpose 
which much impressed the Dutch. In drawing up the official 
accounts, there is very little doubt that the observers were at 
the greatest disadvantage. Each described the situation from 
the point of view of his own squadron, and that before de- 
tailed consultation was possible. Coventry's account was 
written on June 4, and in print on June 8 ; the Summary 
Narration was in print on the same day (see Granville Penn, 
ii. 322-325). Coventry apologizes for his account as imperfect 
(Cal. S. P., Dom.). From this was written up the official 
account of June 5, sent to the Lord Mayor, which concludes 
with the statement that it will be hard to give particulars till 
all stories are compared (S. P., Dom. : Car. //., cxxiii., f. 46). A 
few valuable but very brief notes are in the logbook of the 
Royal Charles (ibid., f. 91, and Add. MSS., 32,094, f. 58). These 
give the positions of the fleet in the earlier passes, but omit 
the doings of the Blue and White Squadrons. The last-named 
authorities form the basis for the printed account of June 10. 
The gallantry of James and Rupert is much insisted upon in 
the Intelligencer and the Newes, but nothing is said about Sand- 
wich until the Newes of June 15. Then there is no discussion 
of the tactical question, and, indeed, one would scarcely 
expect it. 

Another contemporary authority to be cited is James himself 
in the extracts published by Macpherson, and incorporated by 
J. S. Clarke in his Life of James II. Here again the accounts 
of the earlier passes are given, but the movement by the Blue 
Squadron is omitted ; indeed, nothing is detailed between 
10 a.m. and 2 p.m. Then the story of the Duke's share in 
the battle is set out at length, and the notes can only be looked 
on as furnishing material for the story of the Red Squadron. 
This is in accordance with Von Ranke's estimate of the 
authority (History of England, vi., 29-45) : " Above all things 
it is to be made patent that he devoted himself with 
the greatest zeal to the service of his country." The notes 


were put down by the Duke's secretaries, and there is one 
point in relation to the battle which makes it look as if the 
account was written long afterwards. The Royal Charles did 
indeed stretch it out ahead of the Prince a fact which Sand- 
wich records ; but, instead of this happening at 10 a.m. 
Sandwich fixes it much later, and more credibly so. He at 
least wrote up his journal almost red-hot ; for example, 
" Some," he writes, " affirme they saw Dutch ships sinke 
downe, but I have yet nothing credible thereof" (MS. Journal, 
i. 300). 

As to the modern authorities who have gone over the 
same ground, reference should be made to J. C. de Jonge, 
Geschiedenis van het N ederlandsche Zeewesen, vol. ii., part ii. 
(Amsterdam, 1835). He regards the authorities for the battle 
as confused, and difficult to estimate at their proper worth. 
He has worked in the Rijks-Archief, and studied the con- 
temporary authorities (p. 200), and cites three of especial value. 
From these he concludes that Sandwich broke through the 
Dutch line (" Linie "), and that at least one other squadron 
followed him (p. 193). Still one more modern writer must be 
quoted Chabaud-Arnault, who writes in the Revue Maritime 
et Coloniale (vol. Ixxxvi.). He speaks of Sandwich as cutting 
through the Dutch line : " Mouvement opportune et bien 
execute qui decida du sort de la journee." 

The matter apparently stands thus : There is not sufficient 
evidence to prove that Sandwich manoeuvred in order to 
break the enemy's line, in the sense in which the term would 
be used in the eighteenth century. But two points we certainly 
obtain from his journals: First, that the English had a 
definitely organized fighting line a regular formation, in 
which each ship had her proper station ; secondly, Sandwich 
had in his own mind the possibility of the Dutch breaking 
through our fleet (i.e., breaking our line), as was done in the 
first Dutch War, though it may be interpreted passing between 
two squadrons, and thus cutting one squadron off. Surely it 
is a small step from thwarting an opponent's movement to 
using it oneself.' As Granville Penn has it, " the measure 
must have been, originally, the momentary suggestion of fit 
circumstances presented to professional skill and valour united 
in the same person" (Life of Penn, ii. 353). 


INSTRUCTIONS, AUGUST 30, 1665. (See p. 340) 

AT the Councell of Warr I did admonish the Commanders of 
some shipps for our advantage in fightinge and saylinge : 


1. To be in theire place accordinge to the order of battle, at 
the first if possible. 

2. If they were hindred of that by any accident, then to be 
sure to put themselves in a line anywhere to have theire broad 
sides to the enimy. 

3. In tackinge and saylinge in tyme of fight to have especiall 
care of fallinge foule one of another, which is the greate 
occasion of destruction. 

4. If by accident they be out of the line, take heed not to 
fire at the enimye through our friends, but watch an oppor- 
tunity to have the enimye clear. 

5. Wee meetinge now with a mixt Fleete of men of warr, 
East India men etc., noe man to seize a merchant untill 
victory obtained and certaine. 


1. Give good berth to avoid disablinge our shipps by tackinge 
or fallinge foule. 

2. Take speciall heed not to lose Company of the Fleete, 
which whoso does shall justify himselfe at a Court Martiall. 

VOL. I. 353 


3. None to chase but by order of the Flagg, the contrary 
to be examined at a Court Martiall. 

4. Sayle in such an order as you may most readily fall into 
the posture of battle. 1 

1 Sandwich had issued certain tactical directions on July 19 which related 
to the signals for drawing into a line, and for squadrons to close up to their 
respective flags (Brit. Mus.: Harkian MSS., 1247, f 55). 



Harris, Frank Reginald 

The life of Edward Montagu, 
first Earl of Sandwich